Discover Our Collections


  • Type > Text (remove)
  • Series > Transcripts of LBJ Library Oral Histories (remove)

951 results

  • Hodges, I think, basically alienated himself, as I understand it, from the traditional moguls of the business community and he ended up on the trip that I took with him to Central America, for example, bringing really-I wouldn't want it to be third level
  • references to analogies between the traditional European ghettoes and the enforced racial residential segregation in America. But I don't think the term had been used in that capacity generally before, and I know it had not been used in the title of a book
  • didn't match with Clifford's private actions with the President. I think the President thought probably that some of that was to protect Clifford, and I think he must have thought that some of it was planted by Clifford himself. Consequently, my
  • and stable; organizing advance operations; LBJ’s 1965 trip to Mexico; LBJ’s last-minute travel plans; LBJ’s around-the-world trip; Manila Conference; LBJ’s interest in Southeast Asia and Latin America; going to Adenauer’s funeral in Germany; domestic trips
  • historically, that the Democratic Party had been best for the people, and "the common people" was the phrase used then without all that much pejorative as it perhaps is now, a feeling. And so, not that Adlai Stevenson was cut from the same cloth that Lyndon
  • strongly. I think and I gathered--I say this from the things that you heard and the actions and comments--that anything he did, or anybody did, that would help conclude the killing in Vietnam, end the thing in Vietnam, they were just almost under a duty
  • . That was a particularly moving campaign because if you'll recall in 1960, it wasn't just the race issue in places like Tennessee, it was the religious issue. There really is a belt in America that starts in sort of southern Indiana, and is like a cone expanding, like
  • thought, "Well, that's cheap. She'd pay a hundred for it in America." So I just took it right there. And after I had paid him he looked at me and he said, "You've only been in our country a short time I can tell. You didn't handle this very well. You mind
  • public on Vietnam to gain support; Judd's opinion on how America has treated Native Americans and other minorities throughout history; why it is unwise to give newly independent countries too much aid and/or full United Nations status; a 1946 bill Judd
  • in the community of Des Moines and in the Democratic party, and I had held such offices as state President of the Young Democrats of Iowa in LBJ Presidential Library http://www.lbjlibrary.org ORAL HISTORY TRANSCRIPT Lyndon B. Johnson Library Oral Histories [NAID
  • Biographical information; work on Credentials Committee at 1964 Democratic Convention; support for Adlai Stevenson at 1956 and 1960 Conventions; JFK’s nomination at 1960 Convention; becaming a State Dept. employee 1965; contact with Senator Robert
  • Hampshire primary a little bit, I don't think he ever did anything affirmative to get in thereo I think that Johnson over-reacted by ordering Bobby to fire a fellow called Paul Corbin from the Democratic National Committee. Paul Corbin, C-O-R-B-I-N, had
  • . P: Mrs. Taylor, during his vice presidency--well, let me back this up--in 1960 during the campaign did you work in that campaign? T: I was with the Democratic Policy Committee then, of which he ,vas chairman. And of course I was with the girls
  • --whether this is the President or a Texas rancher who enjoys sitting down and chewing the fat with the neighbors, or whether you're talking to the head of the Democratic Party, or just what role he's playing, you know, at any particular moment. By role
  • purpose--and he made it explicit on many early occasions and thereafter regularly through the years of his presidency--the purpose being to expose some of the brightest young minds in America to intimate and high level contact with the workings
  • /exhibits/show/loh/oh Lawson -- I -- 3 Democratic National Committee and who had helped me in supporting Kennedy. And we, all of us together, agreed that the best thing to do would be to have a meeting, and that it should be called by Mr. Dawson
  • and sometimes take immediate action . B: Yes, that's right . leadership . And also he had me circulate copies of it to the I would have a copy of my brief and a copy of the Record sent to Senators Mansfield and Russell Long ; subsequently, Ted Kennedy
  • support from both Republicans and Democrats? EG: Right. G: There was a series of amendments in 1967 that extended the 1963 law, and in addition provided funds for the first time for initiating services and facilities for the mentally retarded
  • to represent America . In briefings to other ambassadors after he became president, he often said this also, that he expected his ambassadors to get out among the people and to be seen and talked to by people . So I think it was a deep conviction on his
  • thousand and didn't even have the decency to say thank you to the President for campaigning for him. But it wasn't just Bobby Kennedy who was elected in that landslide. There were Democrats all over the country who were elected that year who will never
  • LBJ’s 1968 actions to Nixon’s 1972 actions; LBJ’s 3/31/68 speech and reaction; William Westmoreland and publicity; Creighton Abrams and publicity; Braestrup’s book, Big Story, and reviews of it; TV coverage of Vietnam and Walter Cronkite’s visit
  • consequential trans- action that they had and the frequent reports from the manager of the properties had to come through him, and he looked after that. G: I understand that he was also a political supporter of John Nance Garner. S: Oh, yes. They were very
  • available in the particular area then the distances are somewhat reduced . really happened rather casually . It My father was rather active politically in Indiana--Democratically--when in that little rural area there were very few Democrats as a matter
  • of the Kennedy campaign and worked out of the "Citizens for Kennedy" head­ quarters in Seattle there to help move that along . And then, after the election, I had become interested in government in a--my family and I have been Democrats for a long period of time
  • with Lyndon Johnson prior to 1960, in the fifties. T: Prior to 1960, no. M: What was your earliest acquaintance or contact with him? T: That's hard to recall. I saw him [when] I was at the Democratic convention in both 1956 and 1960. One milled around
  • of the Senate as Vice President at the time my confirmation hearing came up, and he noticed my name on the calendar. That afternoon, after the confirmation hearing, I was in the office of Robert Giaimo, the Democratic congressman from my Connecticut district
  • ; naming the 1st model cities; working with the White House as LBJ’s power waned; Robert Wood; Vietnam’s effect on domestic spending; problems with progressing from plans to action; difficulty with appropriation of funds; working in cooperation
  • in it. 14: In the 1960 convention the Democratic Party of Nichigan had committed itself to two goals. First of all, we had a candidate, John Kennedy, whom we'd settled on after I decided that I was not going to be a favorite son candidate. form. Our
  • Meeting LBJ in 1936; the 1960 Democratic convention in Los Angeles; the role of the Michigan delegation in shaping the platform; LBJ's record on civil rights an impediment to nomination; Leonard Woodcock; LBJ as a candidate in Michigan; appointment
  • to me a misassessment of where time ought to be spent . Anything that the President is going to say, anything involving his words, actions, and so forth, has got to be top priority for the Council . M: You mentioned earlier that the surcharge was sort
  • a professional [job]. Then my brother being chairman of the Senate Re-election Committee, we hired the firm to go into a certain state and help a Democratic senator that we wanted. Well, that's just about all that I know of, but the reason I'm saying
  • in office: A Democrat Looks at His Party; A Citizen Looks at the Congress, that kind of thing, or "What It Takes To Be Secretary of State." But no really major work on foreign affairs until his book, which came out in--what? About 1970? G: Present
  • because most of the action took place down at the squad and platoon level, with some exceptions. You didn't have big operations, and it was almost impossible for a correspondent, particularly a TV correspondent, to get out where the action was. He
  • to give him the famous Johnson treatment. If you've followed that history at all you'll note that we were always very careful to criticize the Fed for doing it unilaterally, but not for taking the action. We never said it was a wrong action, but we
  • recall . Corpus Christi, that was a navy project . navy pretty much started that on their own . The I doubt very much if there was any congressional action or reaction, except maybe the congressman from Corpus Christi, whom I don't remember who
  • ] about the instructions I asked for in September 1960 to help Diem to get a better hold on things and get things going in a better direction, more democratic and that sort of thing. Well, Wolf was all for me on that sort of busi- ness because the land
  • consider the-- what went on, sometimes there were meetings. Of course at that time in the House, Mr. [Walter G.] Andrews [R-N.Y.] of Buffalo was the head of the Armed Forces Committee, but Uncle Carl Vinson was the senior Democrat on the committee
  • Republican or Democrat, and I never was sure who was who. Somewhere along the line Maggie--Warren Magnuson--was a member of Naval Affairs. Lyndon got the Chairman to appoint a committee to investigate naval personnel itself, to make sure that able-bodied men
  • the downfall of the Democratic Party and many people in the Congress can be explained by the war. In terms of the budgetary impact, I doubt whether it's a significant factor. Because the fact of the matter is that we haven't been able to get nearly as much
  • , a sort of a war man. His basic feelings, I think, are democratic to the extent that he would want to see somebody in there who was elected. G: There was a good deal of press criticism about his Dominican policy. The Republicans accused him of being
  • thought, "Well, that's cheap. She'd pay a hundred for it in America." So I just took it right there. And after I had paid him he looked at me and he said, "You've only been in our country a short time I can tell. You didn't handle this very well. You mind
  • This is his last year before he leaves. He wants a plaque to be put up in the building or on the building where we met, where this historic action was taken to bring greater equality of opportunity for all young Americans through this system of grants based
  • of lines of authority bet\Jeen you and Harry McPherson? T: No, not at all. Harry McPherson and I had been friends for a long time. I met Harry when I was in Washington in 1959. He was then, I guess, an attorney for the Senate Democratic Policy
  • involved chance, to set it off. I would say that many riots were prevented by wise action and cool heads. The riots tended, up until the riots that followed the assassination of Dr. King, to arise from a police incident that could have been avoided
  • , and all the Black Stars were athletes, and participating athletes. he even tried to get in. It just doesn't fit to me that Of course, he might have, because he had that desire to be where the action was and they had control, you know, this many years. G