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  • led the group to open the only Humphrey headquarters in Longview during the 1968 campaign because the sentiment, as I gathered in the area, was for either Governor Wallace or Mr. Nixon. M: That vmuld be that part of Texas where that would be true
  • they are our friends, but just don't approve everything we do. F: Along that line, you mentioned civil rights. President Nixon named a Negro as your successor, and the situation between the United States and Sweden has not cooled at all. of a latent racism
  • , rather than to pretend to draft the legislation. We had goals and guidelines as our contribution. F: Was the committee finally just dissolved? R: No. The committee has now been renamed, under the Nixon Administration, the Citizens' Advisory
  • at this. Not successful, but interesting. I worked in the Labor Department, really on problems to do with Aid for Dependent Children. I go that far back. It seems to be the new change--Mr. Nixon is changing the welfare program. where it began. Well, that's
  • to stand up now while Nixon attempts to destroy it--which would be very terrible indeed. B: Were you satisfied with the formula contained in that bill for its application? R: As I remember, we settled for that formula as being a tremendous step forward
  • be on foreign policy things, basically, rather than domestic politics. However, I did cover the 1960 campaign; I covered President Kennedy, I covered Mr. Nixon alternately, and I covered Lodge. I never covered Johnson. M: One of the four you missed out on. S
  • of u.s. firms to expand abroad. Notwithstanding Mr. Nixon's statement that he hopes to eliminate this program because it is objected to by the business community, I would doubt that, given the success of the program and the lack of other good
  • to Nixon Administration; changes in doctors’ attitudes towards working with government; Gardner’s leadership.
  • select came to him through this process rather than through the other processes. So in constitutional terms I feel that this process is extremely important. And I think that some of the difficulties that President Nixon is facing in his appointments
  • during the war--but about President Kennedy and so forth. During Eisenhower's administration I had cut Vice President Nixon's hair several times, and he's very cordial and very ni ce. Then v/hen I met Pres i dent Johnson here for the fi rst time he
  • in the National Security Council now, which I had the opportunity of attending on many occasions after Mr. Nixon became president. But I think it achieved the same end. Every- body got his oar in, and the President listened to everybody's advice, and notes were
  • assistant to the President and as director of OEO to marshal the federal programs in a way to develop a coordinated attack on poverty. This is something which the Nixon Administration is talking of today, it is sometfl5'ng we all seek
  • defeated, it would have been a tie. There were only ninety-six senators there; it was before Alaska and Hawaii came into the Union. So there would have been forty-eight and forty-eight, and Vice President Nixon would have, of course, voted
  • was in or out of the race. Had he stayed in the race, today Nixon would not be our president-elect. Lyndon Baines Johnson would be our president. M: Z: Did you communicate these views to him, that you thought ... Through the channels that I was asked
  • became a special assistant to the undersecretary, Robert Wood. I left the government on January 19, 1969, just after President Nixon was sworn in, and went into private practice of law. I practiced law until two years ago and then became Washington
  • . Nixon did the same thing. Truman did the same thing after Roosevelt died. I remember we were in that 1964 campaign, and it was very difficult to get the President out from under the Kennedy image. He was a very polite man; privately, you know, he
  • explanations, but I mean they are-­ S: Well, I later talked to Rayburn about it. As I recall, he said that the notion of Nixon becoming President was intolerable to him, and he thought that if Jobnson could make the difference he should do it, Vice
  • or Nixon. My theory was the less you have to bother them, the better you were serving them. G: [In] the OEO in Syracuse, the Community Action Program was actually placed in some form of trusteeship. Do you recall that and the background of that? 7
  • Nixon's period. It depends on whose executive agree­ ments are being gored, I guess. Reciprocal trade: Albert Gore is my recollection of the man thai:: led really that whole legislative fight. I don't remember any­ thing about change in the personnel
  • I -- 5 S: I think that's probably true. At one point, for example, President Nixon, when he was vice president, either thought up the idea or was persuaded that it was a good idea, to become the chairman of the Operations Coordinating Board. Scotty
  • and through, because I think Nixon and Rogers, then the attorney general, or the acting attorney general, had decided that we weren't going to have a civil rights bill . M: That was interesting what you said about getting to Eisenhower . What you've called
  • . We And so did Mr . Nixon incidentally. M: That was a big year for freshmen, wasn't it? B: That was a big year . That's right . I knew Jack Kennedy better after he was in the Senate and President than I knew him in the House, because he
  • departments. I would work with staff members, but at no time if I ever wanted to see the President, was I denied seeing the President. M: That's important. The staff, you don't think, kept you--you know, in Mr. Nixon's time there have been charges
  • it, it was a very good set of propositions; in fact, much of what Nixon said in his speech was basically that sort of stuff. It had a lot of that. But the one new thing it had in it was something that surprised me, frankly, because somebody had 'dredged up
  • of arrangement that Nixon now has, in which the staff has almost excluded the cabinet? A: I think they pretty much did, except for certain people. For example Bill Wirtz couldn't get in to see the President--even if he insisted on it, at least very rarely
  • . But he was helpless, because I knew that once a man's president, that if he wanted to, he couldn't do anything for you. You see precisely what's happened with President Ford pardoning ex-President Nixon; had Johnson done this, it would have completely