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  • to table the motion. 1/4 Democratic Advisory Committee holds its initial meeting. Although LBJ and Rayburn have declined to serve on the DAC, two senators, Kefauver and Humphrey, are members. During debate on Anderson’s motion on Rule 22, Nixon offers
  • Vice President Nixon. In this instance I think that there were times when the relationship was less close than it was at other times, but as the campaign came on, or as it neared, I was sure in my own mind that the President was going to decide to have
  • this in private or whether he told us this in that room; I think it might have been a private conversation--he said that he had a session with Ron Ziegler, who was the incoming press secretary to Richard Nixon. And Ziegler asked him if he had any advice, in being
  • back quite far enough. Just yesterday when I was driving across Memorial Bridge and all the flags were out, the D.C. flag, the American flag, and some other flag I didn't recognize, I thought, "Nixon has a State visitor. Why don't I know who
  • would be running against Richard Nixon had some influence with Rayburn as well? B: Oh, no question about that. Mr. Rayburn was very bitter on Richard Nixon, and as subsequent events proved, he had a right to be. G: But did Rayburn say, for example
  • out of the President when Connally joined Nixon's cabinet? C: No, I never talked to him at all about that. F: On the cabinet, did you have any particular vantage point on the McNamara resignation as Secretary of Defense and becoming the president
  • informed myself, I might have made a bigger dent on it. But he realized that he'd have to hand it to somebody, and it would be just one more thing he'd have to do something about. Of course, he could have done exactly what Nixon did. G: Perhaps Nixon
  • was presiding, and then you had the secretary of state, the secretary of defense, chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission, and NASA and a few other outside people. Well, when Nixon was presi- dent he abolished this council by a reorganization plan
  • ://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh Waldron -- II -- 27 or Mr. Nixon, do that," and then you just stopped and thought. "Well, if you knew really what they knew you might have done the same thing." G: I was just wondering if in retirement he expressed any
  • passed his Jury Trial Amendment. I remember the You see, what Johnson was doing was passing both amendments; then he had to deal with Russell and avoid a filibuster. I saw then Vice President Nixon and then Attorney General Bill
  • situation from a journalistic standpoint, because you have a political conflict built in there. Therefore the legislature--in that case and it's going to be true with the Nixon Administration--you have legislative leaders that the President of the other
  • be about right. M: Do you have close knowledge of the role that Mr. Johnson may have played in the Eisenhower years in the realm of foreign policy? Mundt: Yes, as I said earlier, he fairly consistently supported the Eisenhower-Nixon-Dulles foreign
  • First meeting LBJ; LBJ’s relationship with Eisenhower; 1948 Mundt-Nixon proposal; Joe McCarthy; USIA; Smith-Mundt Act of 1948; Arthur Larson; LBJ’s support of Eisenhower-Nixon-Dulles foreign policy; Quemay-Matsu-Pescadores problem; Russia détente
  • : Yes, the lack of power and the lack of action. We always hear about the "new era" when Eisenhower gave Nixon more responsibility and more authority, and the same was supposedly true that Kennedy was to have added onto Johnson's responsibility from
  • feasible thing: to untie the loans of the United States to Latin America, something that President Nixon did about a year ago. President Johnson wanted to do that, but apparently he couldn't get the authority from, or the approval of, the key members
  • another way the answer would be different. And that is, did the same group support Nixon. Many of them did after he became president. There was a kind of standing job between President Johnson and myself because there were occasions where I would have
  • because he was representing the United States. It was because somebody hated Lyndon Johnson. He was always citing what happened to [Richard] Nixon down in Caracas, you know, when the eggs were thrown and all that kind of thing. Of course, Nixon wasn't
  • on the one hand made his own decision about child health grants and [Congressman Harley O.] Staggers, on the other hand, made his decisions about public health grants. So they weren't combined until Nixon's administration. See, up until--Nixon was the one who
  • Democrats and Republicans have made those distinctions very sharply, because I know that in the Nixon Administration the Civil Rights Division put out papers discussing exactly what the difference was between goals and quotas, and they made it very clear
  • be an advantage no matter how long it lasted. Well, the initial arrangement was that I would be here for six months. And then that was extended for two years see, I'm still here. And as you can The transition people for Mr. Nixon called me up the other day
  • said, "Yes, sir, but I've been about my Vice President's business," and he grinned and didn't say a word ! So we went on out to dinner and oddly enough Nixon was in Chasen's! So he was just about getting ready to leave, so we circled the block--the Vice
  • suspect the Nixon Administration discontinued it because the emphasis was heavily on education and work training rather than, as with the CCC's, on the actual doing of large scale conservation projects. F: Within your purview how did these ghetto boys
  • it happen with Hum?hrey, although the relationship, as I viewed it, was different betwe2n Johnson and Humphrey than it was between Kennedy and Johnson --and I take it between Nixon and Agnew as I read the newspapers. You never know until you're inside
  • that I, for example, had supported it under Kennedy. I supported Eisenhower's part of it. I support it now, by the way, under Nixon. Therefore there was an undoubted effort generally to discredit in journalism those of us who stood up for this war. I know
  • States since Mr. Nixon has been in. I doubt that very few people on the Hill have ever gotten a call from the Presid ent [Nixon]. He just doesn' t do it. LBJ Presidential Library http://www.lbjlibrary.org ORAL HISTORY TRANSCRIPT Lyndon B. Johnson
  • Minister Thanom. and Nixon. The Thais (and Ainb. Martin) use the oe;caaion to lean ·o n us tor the full $10 million ln MAP. State and De!e.n se· are still negotiating on the latter. It will be coming over to you fairly soon. \l!W.B.. SEClUsT. attachment
  • ; she became the assistant secretary until Nixon came in. K: Was it within your purview to make prescriptive recommendations as to what was desirable [or] what wasn't, if you saw--? G: Oh yes, of course. K: Did you convey these to Gardner, or back
  • ] Nixon presiding over the Senate. Well, as far as my life goes, I didn't see an awful lot of Lyndon that fall and after the flood was over, the drought took up again. Oh, we had several years of a wretched drought. The ground cracked open. And sometime
  • it was, in the Capitol at first. Then a few months later I went over to the Senate Office Building to a conference room, maybe the Democratic Policy conference room. I don't know what they called it, but it was right below Vice President Nixon's office. One of the things
  • didn't have to get that to win in a three-way race. M: You also had a pretty hard reelection campaign, and Nixon carried Indiana. Can you make an assessment of Mr. Johnson's--his Administration's--effect on the Democratic party in Indiana? Has it been
  • /exhibits/show/loh/oh McGeorge Bundy -- Dallek Special Interview I -- 23 waters," he said to me. B: That's right, surely we were both out of the government by then. We were both believers that-- Tape 1 of 1, Side 2 --and Hubert over Nixon by a country
  • the Vietnam War was still fresh in the memories of many people. DC: It was still going on at that time, because that was during the Nixon Administration. I think we've covered the beginnings well enough. Stages of growth; and I think we should try to confine
  • that was said, I can't prove that. But some people that told me that I respect yery highly, and I wouldn't doubt their statements a bit. But Jim Murray was sent home, and it was a crucial vote. We lost it by a tie. Nixon broke the tie and voted against us
  • formalized it, but he did some things with computers and things whiCh we hadn't done. project out of it. And then, Nixon has made a big So I went down specifically to do that, set up that operation. M: And you were domiciled in the White House
  • ://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh 21 Mc: Now did you try to explain all of this to the incoming Nixon Administration? T: Yes. Mc: Did they understand what you were talking about? T: The man they selected--Floyd Hyde, former Hayor of Fresno, had been
  • participation; communication between citizens and city people; helping cities of all sizes in all regions; funding Washington D.C.; the Eccho Neighborhood Cooperation Model in Columbus. OH; Model Cities Supplementary money; transition to Nixon Administration
  • that in the review of foreign policy which I am sure Mr. Nixon's Administration intends to make that we would look SEATO over and decide whether we need that particular coalition. present form. I doubt it in its Or whether it would be possible and desirable to put
  • the Eisenhower Administration, there were any number of involvements of the White House in critical wage negotiations. Vice President Nixon, for example, was heavily involved in the steel wage settlement of early 1960. But I think there was a degree