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  • predicted my appointment in the spring, I think it was, and I, therefore, concluded I was safe. M: Did you know anything about it at that time? R: No, I knew nothing about it at that time. M: How was the news broached to you? In what manner did Mr
  • to go to Baylor University. I graduated in 1937 with a Bachelor of Arts and a major in journalism and came up the street and went to work June 11, 1937, for the Waco News Tribune as a copy editor, and I have been with the paper ever since. M: You
  • of the electorate in Texas and point out to me that in substance, Texas, because of the way in which it was settled was as big a melting pot as New York, and that particularly he had always been able to have the support of the Negro and the Mexicans. His problem
  • a lot of that was the feeling that Johnson was still a New Dealer, a Roosevelt man, or a loy~l or liberal Democrat. _and Joe Kil gore and Ray Le.e and· Gordon· ful cher;. Buck· Hood; Tom . « · Mill er·, tne mayor: Bob Phinney; myself; and one
  • , and successively you have worked for the Wisconsin State Journal, the Milwaukee Journal, the United Press Association, Christian Science Monitor, the International News Service and as Washington correspondent of the Philadelphia Record. You were co-author
  • the Depa rtmen ts of Labo r and Commerce into the Depa rtmen t of Econo mic Affa irs 11-12 Labo r was 95 perce nt again st the new depa rtme nt 14 Labor -Man agem ent Advi sory Conn nittee studi ed merge ! and propo sed that it not be done LBJ
  • . But we were looking for signs of hostility Of course, there was the Dallas Morning News of that morning, with a very unfriendly ad. IIYankee. Go Home" and so forth. mostly friendly. We saw signs like, But the crowd at the airport was Kennedy
  • -range payoff. There's not going to be an immediate payoff in my judgment, because the traffic is too thin in most parts of it. The traffic is much less in some areas in the East Coast, say, from New York and Boston down to Florida then for some
  • , 1982 INTERVIEWEE: DAVID HALBERSTAM INTERVIEWER: Ted Gittinger PLACE: Mr. Halberstam's residence, New York City Tape 1 of 2 G: You said that you had a Lyndon Johnson story. H: Yes. I was, in 1960, working for the Nashville Tennessean
  • with each other a great deal over the years. The part where perhaps I came to know him best, and had the closest association with him, was right after he became president. He requested a news media liaison from Texas in Washington, and I was the one
  • have to use your judgment in cases like that, and I didn't have much judgment. I was pretty new at that sort of thing. So I decided to let him in. It turned out Lyndon didn't know him at all and the man wanted to get a job as a cook at a CCC [Civilian
  • Johnson's finances; a summer 1937 trip to New York City with friends; meeting Alice Maffet Glass and Charles Marsh; Marsh's influence on LBJ regarding international matters; a bill requiring a public referendum before war could be declared; LBJ's interest
  • of enforcement, personnel, money, in your department? C: Well, those are very central. We've never secured enough personnel and money to enforce earlier laws on the books, or even a fraction of enough. To put a massive new law on would have been very difficult
  • was pleased, proud, a little haughty that he might go down there and represent this new administration at this bridge dedication. Well, I didn't say so out loud, of course, but I said, "Like heck you will. That's a volatile situation and you're going to fall
  • you. I told them I was going to be at Old Gun Factory Navy r·1ess for Thanksgiving Dinner. So 10 and behold, I get this call. and said, liThe White House is on the phone." A waiter came running Well, of course, this was big news in those days
  • . But by 1935, response in the welfare area, as evidenced by the Social Security Act of 1935 and the Housing Act and other acts about 1937, indicated that this new response of government to needs was much broader than what we would refer to as a relation
  • Lyndon had somewhat come in on the coattails of the New Deal, and the President had had their pictures taken with his arm around Lyndon when the next campaign was taken. He had done every sort of thing that he could, and he never forgave Senator
  • that organization of a new state-wide Head start program was a viable possibility. to Cooper. with me. He picked up the phone and gave me entree Cooper called Winter and a couple of other people to meet I made it clear to all that this was not an official OEO
  • Child Development Group of Mississippi; Phillips’ trip to Mississippi; new Mississippi Head Start program; Mississippi Action for Progress; Bernard Boutin and Bertrand Harding; OEO lobbying.
  • started reading my columns and news stories in the paper in Oklahoma, which is his home state. We became friends and a dialogue developed. expressed an interest. I I told him that I wanted to work for the President if I could, do anything
  • Kefauver, who was a senator from Tennessee, had entered into the New Hampshire primary and had defeated Truman, who was then the sitting president, most people--I'm talking about most politicians--were of the opinion that Truman liked being president
  • of payments problem. This was something brand new to the United States, we'd never really ever encountered it. And we finally ran up against the place, and began to realize that as a nation we were spending more internationally than we were earning
  • . It was regarded more as a source of something that might precipitate violence which, in turn, would turn the clock back. G: Anything else on the signing of the Voting Rights Act? C: I don't have any real recollections of it. I guess I was still so new I
  • schools of Montgomery, the Barnes School for Boys, went from there to Phillips Exeter in New Hampshire, got my undergraduate at Harvard, served two years during the war in the OSS, went back and finished my undergraduate and got a master's degree
  • of that-B: Let me ask you, who's the author of record of that? H. A guy name.d Bruce Lee, who was a correspondent for News"eek at the time. Follo\dng that I split up ,.,rith my partner--"we didn't really LBJ Presidential Library http
  • INTERVIEW XI DATE: July 24, 1986 INTERVIEWEE: LAWRENCE F. O'BRIEN INTERVIEWER: Michael L. Gillette PLACE: Mr. O'Brien's office, New York City Tape 1 of 4, Side 1 G: Okay, why don't we begin 1965? You talked briefly last time about the impact
  • demonstrations like the one in Selma on the Voting Rights Act; LBJ's support for voting rights; the negative effect of American media coverage on public perception of U.S. involvement in Vietnam; O'Brien's concerns over television news presentation of events
  • of the communists and their call for revolution. He wanted to revolutionize Vietnamese society, which he considered as a corrupt inheritance from the French. He wanted to establish an authentic Vietnamese ideological base for a new society and the rejection
  • of the service and started as a news correspondent here at the National Press Building. That was June 12, 1944. F: That was right at D-Day in Normandy, wasn't it? M: That's right, that's right. She was nine days old when I started working here in the Press
  • came down here, and I worked for the Dallas News as a kind of part-time employee in Austin and worked for United Press on the same basis. I graduated in 1935. United Press made me a correspondent. Then I went to Dallas News in 1942 and worked for them
  • News' lack of support for LBJ; Texas Democrats in the 1900s and late 1800s; the rise of Republicans in 1960; Governor Beauford Jester and his campaign against Homer Rainey; Jester overhauling the Texas prison system and state hospitals; the Texas
  • 24, 1987 INTERVIEWEE: LAWRENCE F. O'BRIEN INTERVIEWER: Michael L. Gillette PLACE: Mr. O'Brien's office, New York City Tape 1 of 3, Side 1 G: Let me just go back to yesterday. You discussed [Hubert] Humphrey's pre-inauguration visit to you
  • the state of the Democratic National Committee (DNC) when O'Brien became chairman; O'Brien's immediate reorganization of the DNC and new priorities; efforts to build the relationship between the DNC and Congress; DNC help with 1970 off-year
  • sophisticated and complicated a weapon as the M-16 rifle.We only had one producer of that rifle. They were producing only something like--I don't know--thirty thousand a month or something--this is a figure that can be checked. It was not until 1967-68 that new
  • extent of the CCCs. Second, it was reminiscent of the Roosevelt era. Third, it was structured, and fourth, it was what I would call relatively easy to understand. It wasn't as if it were some new kind of a billiard ball, do you know what I mean? It fitted
  • fully funded; Shriver trying to get Mrs. Johnson to sponsor Head Start as a new innovative program; the differences between Civilian Conservation Corps participants and Job Corps students; the urgent need for education as well as sociological
  • banks overseas about fourteen billion dollars. Now, I think that's more money on deposit overseas than all of the states except seven--obviously New York, California, New Jersey, I can't remember all seven--but that is LBJ Presidential Library http
  • and she gave money and plants to the City of New York. in evidence. To this day the beginnings she made are still Park Avenue and other places in New York, as a result of her work, are still beautified every year. As I said earlier, one of the things
  • as opposed to failure? H: Well, there are two parts. I think one was what type of programs they came up with [such as] Mobilization for Youth, which had been going on in New York City on the Lower East Side of New York. Columbia University School of Social
  • and start programs; what the Committee looked for in creating a new anti-delinquency program; Harlem Youth Opportunities Unlimited Associated Community Teams (HARYOU-ACT) programs; the Lower East Side experiment; increasing local involvement in planning
  • of renewal through supporting services to help the families, individuals and businesses located in or displaced by projects. In New Haven, Mayor Dick Lee and renewal chief Ed Logue had brought in Mike Sviridoff to start an effort of this kind under the Ford
  • in the Pentagon. A man by the time he reaches an important position in the Army will maybe have been in the Pentagon six, seven, eight or ten years. In comes a new civilian Secretary, so he's just not a match for these men who have spent their entire lives
  • in educational television were all ready to call on the President to set up a task force to come up with a new initiative in this field. M: About what point in time is this? C: I cannot give you a precise date on that. I would suppose that was probably
  • that I became aware of it in my career at HEW. I was an academi c ian. I was teaching at the University of Southern California and, really, aside from a general ized liberal interest in the programs of the New Deal and the New Frontier, I had
  • INTERVIEHER: David G. McComb DATE: M: April 21, 1969 This is an City. intervie~v ~'lith Mr. 'Francis Keppel in his office in New York The date is April 21, 1969, and my name is David McComb. Can you briefly give me a sketch of your background, how you
  • ." We only had two, so we called one of them the "old building" and one the "new building." M: Like the Senate does now. H: It was the East Building for housing members of Congress, their offices and so forth, and I was on the east side--a long ways
  • any reasons--to particularly have any talks about it. He was for it and so was 1. You see when President Kennedy died and the Vice-President became President. I was President Pro-Tern of the Senate until there was a new election. I went down