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  • differ in their political philosophy? For example, would you say Rayburn was more liberal than LBJ or vice versa? B: On some things, yes. Well, no, in the way I saw the two men there wasn't a great deal of difference. Of course, the press, they tried
  • it now in the press. I have seen a marked change within the last two years in the general acceptance of the fact that ?rms control is a very important part of the national policy decision level, and is getting more and more attention paid
  • well acquainted with the Johnson family. A lot of the stories that come out in the press about Johnson and elsewhere indicate that this was a poor family. Now is that true? TF: No, that isn't true. I mean they were poor, but everyone was poor. WF
  • together at President Kennedy's briefing sessions before his press conference. M: This is in the Cabinet Room? H: No, Kennedy used to have briefing sessions, starting in about mid1961--at least I became a part of the group at that time--at 8:45 a.m
  • JFK oral history project; first contact with LBJ; JFK press briefing breakfasts; biographical information; LBJ as VP; SST; 1961 Berlin Crisis; JFK assassination; transition; Eliot Janeway; poverty program; tax cut; Christmas meeting at the Ranch
  • and would like to move in a protectionist trade direction. This is, I think, clear when you look at the press of the country. M: Yes, I agree but the votes up there still can be symbols sometimes for the protectionist measures and Mr. Johnson has taken
  • handle the news press, they would talk to the local politicians, but they actually ran the campaign . Completely innovative ; some- thing like that had never happened in American politics before . It worked tremendously . Well, we got to the convention
  • control that government has, making sure that we provide for a genuine freedom of the press. I've felt for a long time that the federal government, through the fairness doctrine and equal time rule, is imposing too much regulation on the electronic media
  • ? Tom Dewey. F: What a trio! C: The guys that didn't have the guts to show up and let the press see them! And wasn't it a strange combination? (Laughter) Well, anyway, after the convention is all over and I heard all of this storming about how
  • the Defense Department and saying, "Look, I've got this report. Is there any truth to it? Check it out," he was, Mr. Johnson said, so anxious to grab the headlines that he hurriedly called a press conference and made the announcement. Well, of course, this hit
  • to take over as administrator of Bonneville . He didn't even want to be acting administrator . was thinking in terms of leaving. He But he felt that if we didn't press him too hard, he would take on the job as acting administrator for a � LBJ
  • and was in Moyers' office, which then \'/asn't the press office, if I remember it, it was in fact where Larry Temple later was. next to the Oval Office. M: I don't think he was press secretary by that time, was he? R: I don't know. He was running the campaign
  • can't recall. Let me think about that a second. I'm trying to think if Billy Lee articulated anything about that. I don't have any recollection of what-- G: Did you see him as a writer? E: Yes. Yes, as a press secretary. He was somebody to help
  • White House meetings in which you pressed your case and fought for this--? F: Well, I can remember several instances when I appealed a decision that had been made in relation to fixing the price support level, particularly on corn, which was really
  • was a man who when he decided that he was annoyed at you he'd get your name wrong, "that Moyer," or "that McBundy," deliberately. Scoundrel! D: Ed Guttman tells me that he was offered the press secretary job by Johnson at some point, and turned it down
  • in the same room at Salado, Texas, that the very well known Liz Carpenter--who was Mrs. Johnson's press secretary--was bOrn in. lineage. Both of them came from distinguished Texas But I was the son of a Marine officer who, together with my mother, lived
  • of conscious use of budget expenditures and tax policy for economic stabilization, for full employment and related policies. M: Okay~ would you use that phrase that you just gave as a definition of the "new economics"? H: The "new economics," as the press
  • . The best I ever saw him was when he got mad at that press conference that day and took that thing up in his hand and went to ripping and snorting the way he had done for all the years I'd known him. F: And nobody wrote that speech for him! You had
  • could stay home without-- G: This one is regarded as being one of the best ones. J: Really? G: Yes. It really got a lot of play in the press. He was evidently in rare form. Do you recall him talking about it? J: No. About the only one that I can
  • to generate more liberal governmental procedures. The press began to talk about the corruption and the abuses and so forth, and the ambassador's role would have to be to try to move the government towards better imagery in that respect. This then put him
  • the press has reported but I had had occasion to meet Abe Fortas and I liked Abe Fortas. I 9 LBJ Presidential Library http://www.lbjlibrary.org ORAL HISTORY TRANSCRIPT Lyndon B. Johnson Library Oral Histories [NAID 24617781] More on LBJ Library oral
  • these regional and state advisory councils, and we'd go from state to state--Mitchell [and] myself; George Shultz was very helpful in it--and we would appeal to the leadership, the press, the media, the publishers, the large banks, and the private sector, to help
  • MG: Pierre Salinger? SG: Yes, Pierre--were working closely together, and then ultimately that sorted out over a period of time. So there was no chance whatsoever that the Ball ploy would work. The thing that has always amused me is that the press
  • in this country. I wondered if it were overplayed in the American press, or if it was a problem here. The feeling being that, you know, he was backing out on his support, and he very quickly countered that. That made no great impression? B: No, no. I mean, I
  • was in may very well have had something to do with his reaction to the portrait. H: Everything was ganging up on him. The public, press wasn't good; his public relations were lousy. He had had this operation which was causing him more pain and trouble
  • the White House the press releases had been given out on it. That's when Senator Vandenberg made his statement which I have always remembered. He said, "You know, it would be a great thing to be called on for the take-off and not just the crash landing
  • of California in 1958, the 1960 presidential campaign. Johnson as Vice-President, Senator Everett Dirksen as Senate Minority Leader, LBJ’s reaction to the press.
  • on the general investigation? F: Yes. S: Oh, no, there was something coming up all the time, somebody coming and going. F: Of course, the press played it up pretty pointedly. You must have had a lot of trouble, as so many people did, in their wanting
  • : In the latter forties. of the Admirals. II Senator Johnson was of great assistance to the fledgling Air Force. Cochran~ We had what the press called the "Revolt That was a personal attack on Jackie General Vandenberg and myself engineered by some people who
  • in any way except through the newspapers? T: I followed the entire situation as best I could. little you can't follow in the American press. And there's very Of course, you get plenty of contradictory bits of so-called information about many events
  • objectives. On one occasion, and precisely during the meeting of the Central American presidents with President Johnson at San Salvador, almost a year ago, at the beginning of July 1968, at a press conference held only by the Central American presidents
  • of fact, what we did was, when I flew down to the ranch for the January 1st press briefing so that the President would sign off on it--it was January 1st and no work was done that day--when I flew back the first place I went was the Archives, and I
  • press relations on part of that trip. B: How did the Harte chain come down in the election? H: They came out all the way for Johnson. The Harte chain, the indi- vidual editors always had a great deal of leeway and Harte, perhaps in this race
  • never talked about it in your presence? 10 Okay. Remember they had the Poor People's Campaign and Resurrection City that spring and summer. There was a note in the press that Ralph Abernathy wanted to meet with you. why? Do you recall that? Do you
  • and MacArthur gave him frank advice and Joe leaked it to the press and it insulted Truman because it didn't agree with Truman's position so Truman fired him. One of Truman's major mistakes. He didn't need to fire him, but again he didn't blow up. He kept his
  • to distribute it to the members the next day. By working closely with the Senate staff, and with the President using every chance he had to press for the enactment of that bill, we began to make progress in the Senate. Now, one of our drawbacks, serious
  • Heller rather than I . M: In 1962 you moved over to the AID. That caused some comment in the press at the time, that was known as the nastiest job in the government based on its part performance. Is it a fair question to ask you why you would take
  • any number of statements arty number of times to the press that he was running that convention . As far as you know then, the stories about Lyndon Johnson behind the scenes are false? B: I just didn't see it at all . M: In your social connections
  • : Was the line as tightly drawn between the so-called doves and the so-called hawks as the press made it appear, or were more people a little bit more--? T: I think there were not inflexible doves, inflexible hawks, that clear dichotomy. I think there were
  • glass, pressed glass I suppose it's called, and I think I sort of helped her a bit in cataloguing it. I'm really not exactly sure what I did. And perhaps I ran some errands for her. I remember asking her some questions. It was interesting to hear her