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  • East and South Asia . Latin America .. . . . . . . . . Afric:a . . . . . . . . . . . East Asia Vieb1am . . . . . . . . 233 .................. ........ 310 343 377 PART III XIV xv XVI XVII XVIII. XIX xx XXI XXII Inter national Cooperation
  • will only take you to the proximity--that hadn't been accomplished nor did it take place until the fall. There were some fellows on the staff at the Democratic National Committee who, of course, could devote their time to 1964 campaign activities, but our
  • of congressional liaison staff in LBJ's 1964 presidential campaign; the 1960 JFK-Nixon debates; presidential debates since 1960, such as the Reagan-Mondale debates of 1984; campaign finance issues; the rise of political action committees (PACs) and lobbying
  • don't hear it any more. In a political sense, what they are going to do to patch up the relationships between the Democrats and--the national Democrats and Mississippi? E: . F: I can't tell you that, I don't know . Humphrey obviously wasn't the one
  • 30 years in the Senate; first meeting with LBJ; LBJ's relationship with Senator Russell; LBJ as Minority Leader; Committee on Internal Security; McCarthy issue; tidelands issue; becoming chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee with the help
  • of the organizers and chairman of the state executive committee of the Young Democrats of Texas which were organized early in the Roosevelt Administration . As such my interest was connected with the younger gen- eration of men,and particularly Democrats
  • Relationship with LBJ in Congressman Kleberg's office in 1933; airline regulations; LBJ's election to Congress in 1937; Senate campaign in 1941 and 1948; 1956 Democratic Convention; 1960 campaign with JFK; influence of Lady Bird Johnson on LBJ's
  • that he seemed to avoid partisan conflict more in the interests of national-- Q: Yes. It didn't mean that he didn't stick up for his party and that he wasn't an ardent Democrat and all, but I seemed to feel--and I think my colleagues do-- that it came
  • Biographical information; contact with LBJ; LBJ’s techniques; opinion of LBJ’s political stance; LBJ-Rayburn liaison; LBJ’s ego and the transition to national politician; LBJ as VP; operation of Congress after LBJ and Rayburn; JFK-LBJ transition
  • were involved-- the trade union movement and our union in particular was involved in the question of a minimum wage for the vlOrkers in this nation, and I buttonholed congressmen and one of them was Congressman Johnson. M: A brand new one at that time
  • --a senior Democrat in the Senate Finance Committee who was a supporter was Senator [Clinton Presba] Anderson and that was the reason that I was expected to work relatively closely with that office. G: Describe your association with this office during
  • . there are numerous tapes from various collec­ tions of personal and organizational papers. such as the Democratic National Committee, Drew Pearson, Wright Patman, and John Connally. There arc approximately four thou­ sand videotape recordings including television
  • Force One with Pre$ident Johnson and several Louisiana Democratic Congressmen landed al Moi.sant Fietd on October 9, 1964, Johnson was aware that the public accommodations act. pa$$8d three months ear1Ier.had turned many In the nation and particularly
  • Force One with Pre$ident Johnson and several Louisiana Democratic Congressmen landed al Moi.sant Fietd on October 9, 1964, Johnson was aware that the public accommodations act. pa$$8d three months ear1Ier.had turned many In the nation and particularly
  • thought he was too liberal. There were two basic disagreements he had with the Democratic National Committee or the party itself. One was that he felt that the people there were very liberal-oriented and did not understand the true mood of the country
  • of He was a national youth administrator, and he had a reputation among people in these circles as being a Roosevelt Democrat . Stevenson as such . Certainly you couldn't characterize Coke There was a friendship plus a belief on Reuther's part
  • the only Democratic governor of the United States coming from a state that might have sufficient number of people to make a good campaign with the necessary financial resources . F : There was a good bit of national interest in you at this time
  • Biographical information; first meeting with LBJ; 1960 campaign; Cheryl Chessman case; National Advisory Committee; Democratic candidates; 1962 campaign against Richard Nixon; Cuban crisis; Rumford Housing bill; Jess Unruh; Western Governors
  • with the ob­ jectives : 1. The organization of all labor for direct action within and upon the democratic political system. 2. The obtaining of larger national labor influence and ultimate labor oontrol of the United States . 3. A fascistic approach
  • possible in the speech file, because through the years I found files back in the 1948 campaign and the 1942 campaign. Incidentally, they became very valuable to the Democratic National Committee when Johnson was running for the presidency in 1964. A: I'm
  • ; getting LBJ's staff to submit documents to the new filing system; promises made in an effort to obtain Senate Democratic Policy Committee files; Mrs. Rebekah Johnson and her desire for a family library and community center; planning where LBJ's papers
  • , and Mrs. Lloyd Bentsen, the wife of the present United States Senator, had been nominated by the Johnson forces as a member of the National Committee, the Democratic National Committee. In some way the convention got out of hand, and the opponents took
  • Interviewer: Thomas H. Baker Date: April 30, 1969 Tape Number One B: This is the interview with Clarence Mitchell, director of the Washington bureau of the NAACP. Sir, you've been the director of the national bureau here since 1950. Do you recall when you
  • branch; Humphrey’s revision of Voting Rights Act of 1957; liberal image; JFK’s contact with African Americans; 1960 dissatisfaction with Democratic nominees; NAACP position regarding LBJ as the VP candidate; Democratic record on civil rights; effect
  • this is true. It goes back to Teddy Roosevelt's time. A lot of the Congressmen, Republicans and Democrats alike, fought him bitterly on the things that he did and he was acting for the nation. They said, "Well, you're destroying our local industry." This has
  • immediately sort of vibes in Texas as the year got in gear. At the Democratic National Committee, overtures were being made to it to have [Allan] Shivers recognized as the leader of the Texas Democrats. That developed steam as the year went 1 LBJ
  • ; assembling a Senate committee to investigate Senator Joseph McCarthy; LBJ's support for President Dwight Eisenhower; Lynda's illness in the fall of 1954; Willie Day Taylor's help to the Johnsons; South Korean President Syngman Rhee's toast regarding war
  • numbers on paper, but votes. In the 1964 campaign DSG had worked very closely with the Democratic National Committee and with people involved in the Johnson campaign. We provided them with copies of all our legislative research materials, which at first
  • Employment history; organization and operation of the Democratic Study Group; support of the Great Society program; attending bill signing ceremonies; accepting position with the OEO; Sargent Shriver; OEO staff members; problems in Congressional
  • committee and committee of committee. The time for final polishing will come when very competent minds have added everything they have to add. You may oP may not t,Jant me to do this. Perhaps someone else could do it better. I have changed and reqritten
  • humorous ways of asking and answering questions. I had lunch with him quite often, usually with some Republicans, and he wasn't reluctant at all to talk about some of his problems with Democratic colleagues. He was that kind of a person. I remember some
  • LBJ's tenure as Democratic leader of the Senate; his relationship with other Senators
  • two months of hearings, House Armed Services Committee reports a bill to establish a National Security Training Corps for universal military training. Congress recesses and no further action is taken. 7/27 Congress recesses until November 17, 1947
  • Democratic ExecutIVe Committee member, and Bruce Ainswortq, an Alice city commissioner. Lloyd a_nd Ainsworth, like Johnson and Parr, now are dead. Salas told The AP: "Lyncl!>nJohnson said; 'If I can get 200more votes, I've· got it won.' "Parr said to me
  • -President, Ecumenical World Committee - Jersey City, N. J. George V. Allen, - Director, Foreign Service Institute - Washington, D. C. Hon. John E. Babiarz - Mayor of Wilmington, Wilmington, Delaware Very Rev. Bernard Bak Hon. George Ball - Under Secy
  • : No, it didn't involve them much. It didn't involve them as far as only on caring whether it passed or didn't pass. G: Really? J: But you asked about the forces. The people supporting the bill had largely Republican support and moderate Democrats
  • that. Aime Forand had introduced the bill. He was not the ranking Democrat to me, but well up toward the top of the [Ways and Means] Committee. The only people for it were labor unions, and he was the only one on the committee, apparently
  • ; Vietnam spending; 1963-1964 tax cut; JFK, LBJ, and taxes; Sam Rayburn and the expansion of the Rules Committee in the House; Howard Smith; 1961 highway bill and a billboard control amendment; Trade Expansion Act; Mills’ relationship with JFK; public
  • of no particular significance except for my evolution and growth, that I started life as a Republican and didn't really become a Democrat until about 1948 or 1949--a long process, but we won't go into that. It's significant. I became a Democrat, I believe, in 1949
  • Room; the 1960 Democratic National Convention and Quigley's view of LBJ at that time; JFK's decision to ask LBJ to be his vice-presidential running mate and LBJ's decision to accept; Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) Abraham Ribicoff
  • Hull as Number Two man. I see the Foreign Relations Committee as the only small vision, out-of-ste? powerful block to keeping the war over there. . I believe Hull above all is your best bet to bring congress into friendly and permanent position
  • adoption of the House rules. Normally that's a routine matter but this time John Rankin had indicated that he was going to use that occasion to add, by a new rule, a special committee to investigate un-American activities, make it a permanent committee. I
  • that to Mr. Bob Calvert, chief justice, I'm sure could give you a better picture of it. If you remember the [State Democratic] Executive Committee-well, let's go back further. The race was attempted to be contested by Governor Stevenson and Associate
  • National Youth Administration (U.S.)
  • Biographical information; meeting LBJ through National Youth Administration; LBJ’s 1938 campaign for Senate and decision not to contest the loss; details of 1948 Texas Democratic Convention Executive Committee’s certification of LBJ over Stevenson
  • Economic Community. Ireland's application for admission to the Common Market was supported by all major political parties, and the nation as a whole demonstrated complete readiness to accept fully the political implications of EEC membership. Although
  • A (National Security)-SANITIZED
  • - tance with him before then? C: No, that was the first time that I had met him. B: What were the circumstances of your accepting that job, sir? That was as Special Counsel to the Special Investigating Subcommittee of the House Committee on Naval
  • Biographical information; investigating subcommittee work; Carl Vinson; LBJ's view of the military; 1948 Senate election; Preparedness Subcommittee; Richard Russell; 1952 Democratic convention; 1957 civil rights legislation; space program
  • But his last successful campaign was in '28, and then he ran again--ran for the Senate in '42 and was defeated--ran third. Mc: Have you had any connection with John Connally? M: No, sir. Mc: Have you had any participation in national politics? M
  • of the National four of whom are not listed for security reasons. Committee, Membership is estimated at about 300 (secret) less than 500 (con£.). Ideally clubs should be small, 3 or 4 members if possible. There are 8 clubs in New York City alone. (They usually
  • A (National Security)
  • Records of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (Kerner Commission)
  • . DEMOCRATIC CONGRESSIONAL LEADERSHIP BREAKFAST Vice President Speaker McCormack Senator Mansfield Senator Byrd Senator Long Congressm..an Albert Congressman Boggs Mike Manatos Post:Inaster General O'Brien Joe Califano Barefoot Sanders Tom Johnson I
  • A (National Security)-SANITIZED
  • Folder, "February 6, 1968 - 8:30 a.m. Democratic Congressional Leadership Breakfast," Papers of Tom Johnson, Box 2
  • : Normally we took the whole committee. We would invite the whole committee and I think we invited both Democrats and Republicans. I just can't remember whether we limited it to Democrats or not. In this case, the following morning--the message technically
  • NATIONAL ARCHIVES AHO RECORDS SERVICE WITHDRAWAL SHEET (PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARIES) FORM OF DOCUMENT CORRESPONDENTS OR TITLE -~-~ ~-j;/-t;;*e,~ -~ FILE LOCATION RESTRICT!~ DATE RESTRICTION '7­ -,..f-..-:;--z:r:r~ NATIONAL SECURITY FILE
  • Folder, "[NSC Meeting on] Vice President Reports on his Vietnam Trip, 11/8/1967, Volume 4, Tab 60," National Security Council Meetings Files, NSF, Box 2
  • National Security Council Meetings Files
  • National Security Files
  • National Committee]. H: Yes, or something. All I know is that Mr. Rayburn looked at Robert and said, "We have already talked to your brother." That's the only thing I remember out of it. G: Did Speaker Rayburn feel that Robert Kennedy was trying
  • to the Democratic National Convention; the "Board of Education" and how it worked; Rayburn's and LBJ's views on the Landrum-Griffin labor bill; a 1961 House Rules Committee argument between Rayburn and Howard Smith; Rayburn's relationship with his constituents
  • , but they were doing sabotage and other military, violent activities. G: What was the genesis of the National Mobilization [Committee] to End the War in Vietnam? D: How did that get started? Well, it grew out of a number of emergency ad hoc responses
  • Personal opposition to official policy in Vietnam; National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam; SANE; MOBE; NCAC; role of television; counterculture; assignation attempt of Dellinger; travels to Vietnam; meeting with Ho Chi Minh