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  • that and then Steve Early, the press secretary--and he was the senior fellow in the White House--said, "Stop it. want it done." I don't know why. The Boss doesn't So we did stop it, although we'd already--one of my favorite stories, having nothing to do
  • in labor, meaning the industrial unions, go away scot-free for all practical purposes. Now, if that's all there were to it, it would have been merely amusing. But it's more complex than that. In the United States, the construction industry has actually
  • Mateos; LBJ’s presidential leanings in 1959; LBJ’s ambivalence during this period; western swing trip; the Washington campaign office; Senate’s interest in LBJ candidacy; comparison of LBJ’s and JFK’s voting records; LBJ and the press; liberals
  • . of South American Affairs at the time . F: Well, I won't pursue that . I was Director of the Office I must say it came as quite a shock . That's not part of this project . It did, incidently, get me a free trip to Chile, which I always appre­ ciated
  • ." Well, that of course was indignantly reported and commented on by Pat's partisans in the press, and I'm sure it didn't please him very much, though I don't recall talking to him after that was [said]. I'm sure he didn't hang around for the whole thing
  • of the conference; the impact of the conference on related legislation; White House reception for conference organizers following the conference; the impact of the planning session on black leadership; press coverage of the conference; the relationship between
  • a press conference. Now these were all his own traps. We were not having anything to do with it--there were people in and around the Johnson campaign, the only one I identified with it myself from what I saw was Bob Clark, Tom Clark's brother. They picked
  • cases. R: Well, I suppose I'm one of the few people who has been appointed to a job Some months after the appointment had been signaled in the press. M: You mean that didn't mean that you didn't get it after the press leaked it? R: Evans and Novak
  • much you should or should not talk to the press, period? L: Well, I think he believed firmly and for good reason that the staff should be as Louis Brownlow has said, or as Roosevelt has said, men with a passion for anonymity. He 8 LBJ
  • House staff's public exposure; Pat Anderson; press criticism of domestic programs under LBJ; the long process of enacting domestic programs; urban housing developements; Model City task force members and work; funding Model Cities and getting
  • was early 1968. So at least at that time, I felt that the U.S. should feel free, and that the U.S. could rely upon that there would--that had become my conviction then--that there would be no negative consequences by a change in policy on Vietnam
  • free to come down here and look into the facts. They generally came in pairs; I remember one group, there were three of them altogether. Once several came at the same time, including Ford, and this was before the Warren visit. assisted us a great
  • objectives. On one occasion, and precisely during the meeting of the Central American presidents with President Johnson at San Salvador, almost a year ago, at the beginning of July 1968, at a press conference held only by the Central American presidents
  • : Let me ask this: did you work before C: Yes, I had a cleaning and pressing business, and prior to that time then,~too? I worked in a battery manufacturing plant. M: Of course, that was in the Depression, too, and things were pretty tough. LBJ
  • that were pertinent to legislation that affected S o u t h Texas, and any time that there was any question about whether they might pass the S e n a t e or not, my husband always felt very free to call then-Senator Johnson and tell him that he was interested
  • in the campaign? H: I made some speeches for him particularly. I went to Houston and spoke to some women's groups. F: Did you volunteer or did he seek you out? H: Some body knew that I was for him and asked me to come. F: Were you sort of given a free
  • or think is tough. Johnson had found out somewhere back--not too far back--he had decided I had a tough streak. I faced down somebody. Well, I faced down once the photographers at Orly Airport in Paris. We were having a press conference and they just
  • don't think. Maybe he did. But he was pressing Johnson and Johnson couldn't hide, couldn't run. He had nobody around him except me and what kind of support am I? Nothing I could say, anyway. Well, Malik thought he was scoring points. Somewhere I have all
  • counsel, or chief counsel, for the staff of the committee of which he was chairman, the sub-committee of the Senate Committee on Education and Labor investigating violations of rights of free speech and assembly and the right for labor to organize
  • back." "By god, it just shows you can't believe everything you see in the press. He didn't look like a nigger to me." Anyway, he didn't think there was anything wrong with that. So I said good bye to him, and I went over to my office, and about a half
  • what you're doing and I haven't any desire to see you, and won't see you until after your book is written so that I can have a completely free hand at torpedoing it." And so I became a sort of man of mystery to them. They wrote in very colorful language
  • would be free to make. You can find the answer right in the statute book whether you like it or not. Getting a handle on this department was a very difficult thing to do, and it has taken me the whole time I've been here before I began to get real
  • House. One always wishes in retrospect that one had been really thorough, but there was hardly time to do that, only to toss the highlights down every now and then when there was a free moment to do so. I do recall in mid-June of 1967, which in time
  • in all these. You had precisely the problem we have, to free your local capital. F: It freed our local capital to do auxiliary things that couldn't have been done otherwise. W: I'm often asked by various American businessmen who are thinking about
  • her morality but I obviously get indignant the same way. And to hear, for instance, that at the end of World War II the French government first promised Ho Chi Minh that they would stay out and allow the country to be free, and then they secretly
  • section with the President for a press conference in which he was planning to cover some Defense Department stuff, and I was there along with I suppose the assistant secretary of defense for public affairs. He kept interrupting the briefing session
  • trust. They treated him as a usurper. Now I understand that the Honorable--wait a minute now, I'm getting old--who's the press secretary to-­ F: [Pierre] Salinger. C: No, the press secretary to Lady Bird. F: Oh. Liz Carpenter. C: Liz's book
  • said anything to me about it, never did. And I wondered if he was going to, sometime or another. Had he done it, I'd have said, "All right, you do it. You do it." G: LBJ went public with a series of press conferences-­ M: Oh, yes. G: --I guess
  • he read it as. . . . But Johnson, as he indicated at his press conference, was opposed to compulsory arbitration. And then finally, on May 3 he . . . G: Anything on that meeting with Fortas, Fahy, Morse, et cetera on the second, May 2? C: No, let
  • ] were going along to do some of the journalistic and writing and press chores and I was going along to do some of the administrative tasks. So John then felt it necessary to tell me that the Congressman was suffering from a kid,ney stone
  • Press. G: Do you think that might have had an influence on her decision to go to journalism school? Yes It ((lul d heve bepn, b('cdllse those pear"1 P. we)'e i nteres ted and on top of everyth; n9, every topi c of the day and ~
  • to the White House." I said, "Why?" He said, "I can't tell you." So I was able to find a place for my wife and kids to stay at a motel, and the FBI got my suit pressed for me, got on the airplane, landed at Andrews Air Force Base, arrived at the White House
  • only had to cause trouble and hit and run--strike and fall back. It meant an enormous commitment of forces to protect the positions that were being held by the government, whereas the guerrilla was free to move around, so that the defense in a guerrilla
  • with ARVN in most cases. There were free drop zones and you could go into those at any time, but if you were close to populated areas, close to ARVN troop concentrations, things of that nature, you had to clear those target areas with ARVN in advance. G
  • believe, were on there. She was from the Dallas Times-Herald. Who else? And the rest were mostly newspapermen from weeklies. Just a free trip. G: I see. Does that mean they couldn't go because of space or time requirements? R: Oh, they couldn't go
  • a terribly divided party--which we obviously had. There were just countless occasions when in working with him and even with his colleague Bobby Baker at the time that I found many things being done that were little perceived by the press. M: Can you give
  • assuming that job ten or eleven months hence . I guess I was particularly amused and impressed that he said, "Look, this may leak into the press . I recognize that . it doesn't, but that's really up to Gardner in part . I hope If he felt that he
  • press out of this thing, which doesn't help the administration. I talked to the President about it, I had called him and told him about it and kept him informed by memorandum and by at least two or three phone calls telling him when the bitter blows were
  • ) And that incident, of course, went around the world. My view is, first, he is uninhibited in the first place. And about this time the press was giving him a hard time about withholding information and hiding information, so I think he was simply showing what went
  • of overpowering when you see him coming up from that 4 or 5 o'clock nap. He was looking ruddy and like he'd been out of the sauna and sunbathed --freshly pressed clothes and a folder in his hand. how are you, John? Good to see you. He said, '~ell, Come over
  • or believed in the free press, hey, you were being pumped just as hard as he was and probably a lot more effectively. Now, in that sense, yes. Again, at the hands-on, field-officer level, I think a lot of people found what journalists knew to be valuable
  • have discussed, who had very negative views of Lyndon Johnson. And they probably, in some instances, had those views before the assassination, but didn't have a handle to articulate them to their friends and associates or press. I think what clearly
  • suitable for a backyard farmer than a great statesman and President. and even bad judgment. I don't think the man ever learned how to deal with the press _and became his own worst .enemy in his relationship with the press. He . never learned how to.deal