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  • n Latin America. And I will steadilyenlargeour commitmentto - the Alliancefor Progressasthe instrument of our war against povertyand injustice in the hemisphere. In the Atlantic communitywecontinueto pursueour goalof twentyyears
  • a popularly elected gover!'ll':le.t? 6. What "carrots" are we prepared to contribute to a satisfactory ne tiated settlement in terms of guarantees of the settlanent, political .ac.:::.anic aid to North Viet-Nam, repair of war damage? 0 ..... DECLASSIFIED E.O
  • to rally public is an apparent of war, a commitment more than 18,000 American the homefront," of the people," to "point to out _the opinion." feeling years 3, 1968 AFFAIRS the w~ll and determin-:1-tion required DRAFT z? • 'n .sc.. 3
  • Vietnam War, 1961-1975
  • . living in poverty is above the average. • Almost 281,of the families in Virginia have an income of less than $:J)OO. 6. Programs like will 1964 dollars, 'llle percentage of families national rate of 5.oj for J~ 1964. employment rose by over
  • the Communists. It is a truism that military means alone cannot win this war. The move toward democratic institutions has proved to be an effective political complement to our military offensive, and I think the military leaders have grasped that fact. One reason
  • for mid-June completely, by default firmness by Ball least to urged. never war standpoint. peace As the ~10uld be might the like President a "filibuster anyone, fron February, situation put it -- the was to But and well S:?eech
  • Vietnam War, 1961-1975
  • together, or not together but he had a list, and he asked me to write a memo for the President on the politics of the War on Poverty, what would be the domestic, international political things. I wrote him a memo saying that I thought he could do nothing
  • there were so many things that we had to leave out. I thought it was a budget we could defend strongly. B: Did he at that time mention to you the other financial obligations of the government, such as the Vietnamese war? P: Yes, these were very much
  • Negro sniping activity . Fear and a desire for revenge - 9 led many troopers to see themselves · as embattled soldiers \ in a war situation against an enemy people and they I acted accordingly . Lack of comma nd discipline in the general confusion
  • -; CARE O? THE WOUUDED, l&e ANOTHER POINl EVIDENT IN THE ENlM'l' S OPERATtOtJAL ~ ~· • · PATTERN IN HIS UNDERSTAt~DINt;_THAT THIS IS JUST Ot,1E, RE0 EAT 0-'E, WAR. HE KNOWSTHERE'S NO SUCH THIN-; AS A WAR 0~ Blt; BATTALIONS, SECURI TY, A WAR
  • while he was fighting a war and trying to step up his War on Poverty and do these other things. And we weren't doing a bad job of it, but there was always ways it could be improved. Meyer came down and he said, "Now listen, I'll tell 23 LBJ
  • frankly, I did not like it. It was a poverty speech. I must say, it was not a woman's speech, and it was not a Negro's speech. S; It was a poverty speech. Would those have been the two areas that you would have liked to have focused on? H: No. Had
  • of statehood; Democratic National Convention in Atlantic City; White House influence on Convention; Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party; showboating at convention; 1964 ticket; LBJ’s options concerning poverty; opinions on black and women cabinet members
  • , 1983 INTERVIEWEE: HAROLD W. HOROWITZ INTERVIEWER: Michael L. Gillette PLACE: Dean Horowitz ' office, Los Angeles, California Tape G: of 1 Well, let's start with your own involvement in the War on Poverty Task Force, describing at first where you
  • Circumstances involvement in War on Poverty; meetings; work on program; Adam Yarmolinsky; types of people on task force; Mike Harrington and Paul Jacobs; choice of clients for programs; different locations; working out the programs and the bill
  • to the practice before the Supreme Court. Formerly you were a counsel to the labor subcommittee on the Senate Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, and you were the counsel for the Senate select committee or subcommittee on poverty, which reviewed the Economic
  • Biographical information; Community Action; LBJ and the poverty program; Sargent Shriver; the Yarmolinsky episode; Baker's responsibilities; the Employment Service; Head Start Program; OEO's mission and future; Legal Services program; 1967 riots
  • and this poverty program." And I said, "I understand what you're trying to do, and I'm in complete sympathy with it, but I think it's just a terrible title." I said, "When you were a youngster, you were probably poor and there may have been times you didn't
  • ?-nfluence on North Viet Nnm "from war viewpoint" i s dimini&hinr; ? t,Jhat "elasticity" in position of USG does n .m rer sug .:rest would strengthen independent elements in Nor th Viet . :ram? f) Hhat fur ther inform tion car. Maurer _provide
  • .• AMERICA MAY SPREAD.THE WAR TO NORTH VIETNAM BY INVADING IT~ ::· ' 1 THIS WOULD WIDEN THE GAP··BETWEEN THE. US AND THE SOCIALIST STATES. _..·.: • .:~-:-MAURER AND BR! NG ABOUT A-·cONFRONT'AT:ION ~-v.ERY.:.~NEA'R:';:f,0'.•:;coNFLTCi .. ,TOLD HIM THAT'SINC
  • babies arc twice as likely to die as white babies. • • • • • More than one of every five children (21.8 percent in 1991) lives in poverty. Among children under six, one in four is poor. Nearly half of all black children are poor. Some 35 .4 million
  • FOR OfflCIAL USE ONLY radicals are embittered by the realization that poverty and injustice and racial hatreds endure despite humanitarian laws and the type of economic system long sought by yesteryear's Liberals~ Protest is not unprecedented in American
  • at Princeton. I went to Princeton for two-and-a-half years, left for World War II, was in the war for three years in the 76th Infantry (ETO). I returned to Princeton-M: I might add you won a Bronze Star. W: Yes. I returned to Princeton, applied
  • ; policy-making; meeting in White House mess hall; origin of rent supplement idea; paper on accomplishments of preceding year in urban affairs; Model Cities task force; appointment; conflict between cost and tax requirements of Great Society and Vietnam War
  • that Johnson liked Goodwin very much, and I think that Goodwin essen:ially left because a: the Vietnam war. pressure to get him to stay. Johnson 1.Jro1ight a lo: of Johnson hates Goodwin n:ow probably, b·.it he did do his best to get him to stay
  • June 10, contingent pa.rti< Security upon Eastport'! being able ~o ob- Gene· Russia's tain the pr operty and certain were ~d Nations Federal m achinery free or for a from the politl­ token payment. The War Assets w territorial Administration has se
  • ://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh FISHER -- I -- 30 details of what bills he was sponsoring. A good many of them turned out to be Great Society proposals after Johnson went in. That's particularly true with reference to poverty and civil rights
  • of Labor pursued a somewhat similar course . Whether it was contagious or not, I'm not in a position to judge . M: Did the President's so-called "War on Poverty" have any effect on your work? � � � � � � � � � LBJ Presidential Library http
  • development of the war-weary, poverty-stricken people of Southeast Asia by rendering large-scale financial and other aid. The offer is contingent upon the cessation of hostilities and the withdrawal of all foreign military forces. May the Almighty God bless
  • rehabilitation loans, the Resettlement Administration had two other purposes : One was to retire from agricultural production the great deal of land, a tremendous mass of land, particularly in the West, which had been plowed during the .war years, the preceding
  • ://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh 6 almost indistinguishable from the comprehensive neighborhood approach to working on poverty--the feeling being that the origins of juvenile delinquency and the origins of poverty are awfully close together. So as you
  • population of the state and the younger sons migrating to the West and to the South--for example I have relatives in Texas, other states--people took an unusual interest in politics, I'm sure. And then when the war came along between the states, Kentucky
  • in turning· this possibility into a reality. Despite the still awesome poverty, the unrest generated by rapid social change, and the irritating attitudes of some Indian Government officials, India 1 s potential success story has been evident to every
  • or drawing room; whatever it is it overlooks the Ellipse. We had a scotch and soda and we started talking. The President was talking about the War on Poverty and some other things that were going on, and then he took us on a little tour and took us down
  • of government information for war purposes, and I did the study that led to the creation of the Office of War Information. And later--I'll come to that in a moment--I became its Associate Director. I scarcely finished this subject when the President called me
  • with controversy, from the \'i tnam War to the War on Poverty, L~ndon Johnson' time in office offers n more stormy interpretations than th ecxamining way the new president dealt with the death of his predeces­ ~or. From his formation of the Warren • mmi ·sion
  • rejoice: the war on hunger, and disease, and poverty. In this war, the idealism and resources of the American · people will find their full play. ·--...· In this war, those who today call themselves our enemies will, I h9pe, prove to be our partners
  • in time of war. I believe that the Outer Space Treaty is an important inter­ national obligation to which most of the major countries of the world have solemnly committed themselves . . This Treaty can serve a most important role in preventing
  • and Lyndon, from time to time all during the war. work. I had left from their house and they knew of my Red Cross I am sure they're the ones who told John Connally, for instance, where I was. G: We're old, good friends. Did you have any idea that LBJ
  • then spent] a year with the War Food Administration, the year 1943; then I went to the University of Wisconsin for six years as a professor of agricultural economics. In the meantime I had gotten my Ph.D. from Harvard University under John D. Black
  • of concern to the Kennedys as to whether Sargent Shriver should remain in the Peace Corps and whether he should go as ambassador to France? K: The question was really in remaining in the poverty program. I think that, as I remember, Sarge had indicated
  • , of flau:ed leadership or the imtitttlions by which we gor;ern ourselres? ... The Presidency lws become. in the period since World War II. a 110-wi11occ11patio11.Fii-.e out of the six before Carter tcere man­ gled by their attempt at the uses of pou;er ... I
  • . 8: Was Mr. Johnson directly involved in that? That is, did you get word from him in person or otherwise that, "Let's try to hold the line on defense so we can continue in education, the war on poverty, et cetera"? S: Well, it worked in a little
  • ; LBJ and the space program; Office of Economic Opportunity; the PPBS system; budgetary effects of Vietnam War; Defense Dept. and the budget; the power of the Budget Bureau; relationship between Budget Bureau directors and presidents; testifying before