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  • Contributor > O'Brien, Lawrence F. (Lawrence Francis), 1917-1990 (remove)

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  • and particularly Lyndon Johnson's selection as vice president. O: As they headed into the convention, our game plan, to secure the nomination over that two-year period after Kennedy's re-election to the Senate, was based on utilizing primaries selectively. We
  • John F. Kennedy's (JFK) plan regarding primaries going into the 1960 Democratic National Convention; assigning JFK staffers to specific state delegations; JFK's decision to address the Texas delegation; JFK's decision to ask Lyndon Johnson (LBJ
  • served as the Director of Organization for the Kennedy-Johnson Presidential campaign in 1960, was the Special Assistant to the President for Congressional Relations and Personnel from 1961 to 1965, Postmaster General of the United States from 1965 to 1968
  • EDWARD KENNEDY; O'BRIEN REPORTS 48-45 FINAL SENATE VOTE ON AMENDMENT TO TAX? BILL
  • ] to summarize Kennedy and then we'll go to LBJ's style. The Kennedy I first knew was a fellow who had decided to run for statewide office in Massachusetts. As he traveled the state to become acquainted beyond his congressional district, he had a set speech
  • John F. Kennedy's (JFK) effort as a young politician to become a better communicator; how Lyndon Johnson's (LBJ) legislative power shifted when he became vice president and then president; JFK's and LBJ's different styles in dealing with members
  • be approximately ten days after he had announced his non-candidacy. I quickly took a trip to Indiana to survey the scene, met with the Kennedy supporters and returned to Washington. The farewell in the Post Office Department and with the President at the White
  • Robert F. Kennedy's (RFK) approach to his 1968 presidential campaign through primaries; seeking support for RFK before the Indiana primary; utilizing Matt Reese, block captains, and student volunteers in Indiana; receptions to thank local personnel
  • occurred in Lyndon Johnson's home state cause a certain amount of bitterness toward Lyndon Johnson among the Kennedy people? O: I don't think so. I don't think that was an element in the attitudes that developed in the aftermath. There were those, as we
  • How John F. Kennedy's (JFK) assassination affected the reputation of Dallas and Texas; the emotional toll of JFK's and Robert Kennedy's (RFK) deaths on O'Brien; being asked to identify the missal that was used when Lyndon Johnson (LBJ) took his oath
  • in Indiana. We were frankly taken aback by it. We had the same state campaign director we'd had in 1960 with Jack Kennedy, Edith Green, a congresswoman who was highly regarded in the state. We felt that under her direction we had as effective a group as we
  • Robert F. Kennedy (RFK) loss to Eugene McCarthy in the Oregon primary; support for RFK going into the New York primary; concerns going into the California primary and memories of 1960 California problems with Edmund "Pat" Brown; the RFK/McCarthy
  • right. G: Let me ask you first about the John Glenn space flight. Anything on that from your perspective that you recall? O: Not from any direct involvement, but I was intrigued with the reaction of the President, Jack Kennedy. The pride
  • O'Brien's and John F. Kennedy's (JFK) relationship with John Glenn; how Glenn's space success helped NASA; the role of a vice president and how well Lyndon Johnson (LBJ) fit it; JFK's staff members' opinion of LBJ after JFK was assassinated; LBJ's
  • involved, really. So that was the extent of the campaign. Now, to the approach of 1968. To what degree there was a recognition at that point of a Gene McCarthy or Bobby Kennedy candidacy, I don't specifically recall.The President's concern and sensitivity
  • they affected the Post Office Department; political problems with Sam Yorty and Jesse Unruh; O'Brien's loyalty in working for LBJ until LBJ announced that he would not seek re-election; LBJ's relationship with Robert Kennedy and Edward Kennedy; November 1967
  • joining in the political activities first of Senator Kennedy and then Senator Humphrey that thereafter there was reluctance of the White House to push this measure through? O: I don't think it was due to my political involvement. This from the beginning
  • of O'Brien's proposed campaign task force; O'Brien's and Rowe's political experience; LBJ's request that O'Brien evaluate of the Massachusetts primary; O'Brien and Ted Kennedy and possible stand-ins for LBJ in Massachusetts; Robert F. Kennedy's (RFK) interest
  • well. But I would not want to suggest that because you were with motherhood and apple pie supposedly in a proposal of this nature that it was that simple. G: Had Jack Kennedy had a similar interest in this sort of legislation? O: Yes, but I don't
  • with the Kennedys and qualification for a judicial appointment.
  • , 1985 INTERVIEWEE: LAWRENCE F. O'BRIEN INTERVIEWER: Michael L. Gillette PLACE: Mr. O'Brien's office, New York City Tape 1 of 4, Side 1 G: Yesterday we were talking about President Kennedy and the southern members of Congress. Let me ask you
  • The John F. Kennedy (JFK) administration's relationship with Carl Vinson and other southern Democrats; funding for an aircraft project and Vinson's argument with a staff member over his decision to support JFK; the knowledge and influence
  • the troops. G: Did it have any enduring impact on the way the national committee worked or was set up? O: I don't think so, particularly. I think that we continued to follow the same course from Kennedy through Johnson, which I guess, with the exception
  • job until the end of the congressional session; LBJ's support for O'Brien's work and finding the best people to do congressional relations work; Robert Kennedy's support for O'Brien staying at his job at the White House.
  • , if you will, the issues in that campaign as you saw them. O: We had anticipated--we, the Kennedy people--that 1964 would be a relatively pleasant experience. We were anticipating an easy time of it. Just before the trip to Dallas we had an informal
  • John F. Kennedy's (JFK) plans for the 1964 presidential campaign before his death; Barry Goldwater's visit to Lyndon Johnson (LBJ) after the 1964 Republican National Convention; O'Brien's involvement in LBJ's 1964 presidential campaign; October 1964
  • perceived to be some foot-dragging. I think one member of the original cabinet of President Kennedy that had difficulty with it was the Postmaster General, Ed Day. Ed talked to me on a number of occasions and to others in the White House and he felt
  • goals, namely, John F. Kennedy's (JFK) New Frontier program; the requirement that cabinet members yield to White House recommendations; Ed Day as U.S. postmaster general; how JFK envisioned his relations with Congress, his legislative program
  • , and that is a discussion you had with Joe Kennedy in the Oval Office about the New Frontier programs. O: Actually, it was a brief discussion, and it was en route from the living quarters over to the Oval Office. Joe Kennedy expressed some concern about his son Jack's
  • O'Brien's discussion with Joseph Kennedy about the New Frontier program; leadership in the House of Representatives before and after Sam Rayburn's death; the Trade Expansion Act of 1962; a private-sector public-relations operation led by Howard
  • that, but was infinitesimal in comparison, occurred the night that Bobby Kennedy lost the Oregon primary. It's not very pleasant to move through a losing election night, because at the presidential level, I've always considered election night somewhat comparable to the final
  • opinion of Citizen Hughes author Michael Drosnin and falsehoods in the book; Hughes' $25,000 donation through O'Brien to Robert Kennedy's campaign; O'Brien's trip to Ireland after the 1968 election.
  • was a staunch supporter of the President. He supported President Kennedy fully and he supported President Johnson fully, and we could never have any quarrel with Mansfield's support of the program. In the area of Vietnam, he had a tendency to refrain from
  • through it. It had some negative references, probably to all the Kennedys, Bobby Kennedy. I didn't read it in detail. There was no need to because I had never seen that memo before. It was not the memo Bob Maheu had shown me so I simply stated, "I've never
  • , of course, there were ongoing negotiations involving the liberal wing of the party, the [Robert] Kennedy supporters and the McCarthy supporters, to see if they couldn't mount a unified effort on their part to stop Humphrey. As I indicated earlier
  • Support for Hubert Humphrey's nomination from George McGovern and Edward Kennedy, but not Eugene McCarthy; McCarthy's complaint that the Democratic National Convention had not been fair; O'Brien's August 27, 1968, memo discussing the campaign
  • Merrick, Bob Griffin; and Fred Forbes was involved in the West Virginia primary.That's how he came to our attention--no, the New Hampshire primary originally and then West Virginia. G: These people had been in the Kennedy campaign in 1960, many of them
  • . A commitment that had been made by the Democratic Party and by us in the Kennedy-Johnson period had not been fulfilled. Go back to the five-vote margin to expand the Rules Committee. There was further change in procedure in subsequent years, but he moved from
  • with me and made it clear he totally understood. Obviously, if this campaign was going anywhere the party regulars would have to be participants. Gary Hart was a student of the Kennedy era and the Kennedy campaign in 1960. He was well aware of the need
  • , it was to provide for undergraduate scholarships. It got into a controversial teacher corps proposal, which was not in the initial presentation but was something Gaylord Nelson and Ted Kennedy had an interest in. That became the single most controversial aspect. G
  • contact with the field. That operation was under the direction of Nancy Lyons, who had been extremely effective, she and the other women, in the Kennedy campaign.She was 3 LBJ Presidential Library http://www.lbjlibrary.org ORAL HISTORY TRANSCRIPT
  • . Johnson Library Oral Histories [NAID 24617781] More on LBJ Library oral histories: http://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh O'Brien -- Interview XV -- 2 G: Did the book's publication exacerbate tensions between the Kennedy people and the Johnson
  • . The end result in pure political terms was to impose a defeat on Nixon. G: Also that year you had Chappaquiddick. What did that do to the Democratic Party? O: I had no personal involvement at all in Chappaquiddick. G: Did the Kennedy people seek your
  • was able to purchase television time and allow Edmund Muskie to speak; 1970 election results nationwide; the Chappaquiddick incident involving Edward Kennedy; a February 1971 meeting between O'Brien, Carl Albert, Mike Mansfield, and potential 1972 potential