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  • AND !THE EFFORTS OF ITS PEOPLE AND ITS GOVERNMENT TC DEFEND THEIR .FREEDOM WHILE REBUILDING THEIR· NATION. THE SENATOR QUITE ·.Ni;TURALLY SPENT MOST Or HIS LIMITED TIME IN VIETNAM LOOKING .. :INTO THE PROBLEMS WITH WHICH HE WAS MOST CONCERNED, CIVILIAN .WAR
  • A (National Security)-SANITIZED
  • politically. with Ho. In 1946 Ho stayed at his home in Paris. He has close relations I have little confidence in M's judgment. I have greater confidence in A's judg­ ment. If it served his purpose A might color his report, however. My contact began last
  • McNamara and Walt Rostow said they had discussed his reso­ lution, pointing out the flaws in it • .SECRETARY McNAMARA: The strongest argument we have for our presence in South Vietnam is that the · other nations in that area want us there. THE PRESIDENT: I
  • or comments that you may have. SPOKESMAN: Our principal question is how can we open the way to a stable, acceptable solution of the Vietnam problem. The doors must be open for the national aspirations of North Vietnam. We are impressed by the need to keep
  • ourselves to some of the Arab countries as well as to Israel. In these circumstances I would again propose that the Soviet Government agree with us that arms supplies to the Near Eastern countries should be registered with the United Nations. I would be glad
  • against us. Cyrus Vance should be in that group. We will not change any dove any time with anything. Abe Fortas: There are three problems: (1) The general public attitude (2) The merits of the situation (3} . What we can do to get people behind your
  • the case that an open meeting with the committee now is not in the national interest. 2. Reply to Fulbright by letter now, saying simply that ' 1I have read Secretary Rusk's letter of last December, and agree with it." 3. Telephone Fulbright and tell him "I
  • national party. We need to make up our minds and agree what course of action all of us should take. Congressman Albert: Mahon is trying to get around Bow and run the government for the next thirty days. We need to show the advantages of his proposal over
  • for these attacks. We unde!'-e stimated the morale and vitality of the Viet Cong. We over-estimated the support of the South Vietnamese government and its people. The President: I don't agree with any of that. We knew that they planned a general uprising
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  • ~N-tr,~~!J WITHDR.A WAL SHEET (PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARI ES) FOR ?'.; OF DOCUMENT Tom Johnson 1 s _ote.s . of Me.e tings ,~ Box ESTRICTION CODES A) Closed by Executive Order 12356'governlng access to national security information• . , B) CfOled
  • the American people rather than reassure them. The President: W 2 must lay out this situation in a clear logical explanation of what happened. I do accept your advice that it would be ill advised for the President to do this now. The President then asked Tom
  • mean that.'' The President: "Colonel, I appreciate that. I hope the men are with us. The hippies and the draft card burners certainly aren't. "But I believe the basic soundness of America is still there. There are a lot of people who are saying that we
  • - - it is like slapping me and I would slap back. We don't want a wider war. They have a signed agreement that if they get into a war, the Russians and Chinese will come to their aid. They have two big brothers that have more weight and people than I have
  • undoubtedly some of this senti­ ment has been instigated by those who are sympathetic to Hanoi's position -­ or unsympathetic to the position of the United States -- there are nevertheless a substantial number of responsible people who have taken this view. I
  • our own people. SECRETARY McNAMARA: If you think you've got problems, you can imagine what sort of problems I will have with the military. All we can point to is the silence along the DMZ. THE PRESIDENT: What cb you think is responsible for the silence