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  • Democratic vote in favor of censure. G: Before we turned on the tape you also mentioned 1952 and Sam Rayburn's role in that in the Stevenson campaign. D: That's right. Lyndon did not take very much of a forward position in the Adlai Stevenson campaign
  • . 1969 INTERVIEWEE: THEODORE BERRY INTERVIEWER: STEPHEN GOODELL PLACE: Mr. Berry's office, O f f i c e o Washington, D.C. 5/29/2 Tape 1 of 1 G: This is the second session with Mr. Theodore Berry, the director of the Community Action Program
  • Confrontation in Community Action Agencies, especially in Chicago, Syracuse, Philadelphia and Cleveland; Community Action Agency guidelines; political involvement in local Community Action organizations; the Green Amendment; getting community action
  • hostility toward Hackett or, at least, toward Hackett's involvement in his program. Boone's impression was that Sarge was also very skeptical about community action and far more interested in VISTA [Volunteers in Service to America], as a counterpart
  • Action Programs (CAP); Hayes' impression of the President's Committee on Juvenile Delinquency; goals in drafting community action program legislation; Sargent Shriver's opinion of community action; the decision to make public agencies as well as private
  • . And at that convention the then national committeeman, Wright Morrow, who is a lawyer in Houston, had been under fire from the loyal Democrats for a long time becaus e of some of his statements and his actions in the party that a lot of the Democrats did not feel were
  • First meeting LBJ in 1948; certification of the election; vote contest; Allan Shivers; Sam Rayburn; Governor Stevenson’s campaign in Texas; Democratic Organizing Committee; Rayburn’s influence in Texas Party; Democratic Advisory Council; 1956
  • you also did a similar action at the Democratic convention, didn't you? M: I believe it was at the Democratic convention first. B: Yes, it probably would have been. M: And then the White House. B: With similar results at the Democratic
  • of the Democratic Party for a good many years. Mr. Kennedy, what is your present vocation? K: I am president and general manager of television station KZTV and [rad~o s ta t ion] KS I X• B: I should note that prior to establishing radio and television
  • Biographical information; Jimmie Allred; Franklin Roosevelt's court packing plan and LBJ's 1938 election; tabulating primary election votes and the work of the state Democratic Executive Committee; administration of the Democratic party in Texas
  • INTERVIEWEE: JAMES W. SMITH INTERVIEWER: MICHAEL L. GILLETTE PLACE: Chris Dixie's office, Houston, Texas Tape 1 of 1 G: --about the Democratic Advisory Council, that DAC group that was put together after [Allan] Shivers . • • • S: The DAC group
  • Organization of Democratic Advisory Council; Sam Rayburn; LBJ and labor; the black community; Brown and Root; Harris County Democrats; Frankie Randolph; precinct organization; 1956 State Democratic Convention; committeeman/committeewoman controversy
  • because a Democratic administration might be more susceptible to action? I ask specifically in reference to your leaving the NAACP, going with CORE, followed immediately by the freedom riots. F: Oh, this had nothing to do with politics, no relationship
  • recall it. They had had a temporary or ad hoc one as The Democratic leadership didn't want this, but they couldn't stop the matter coming up on the adoption of the rules. So that happened. Rankin, he was a member from Mississippi, was a professional
  • to America] volunteers inevitably ended up with poor people getting politically organized. We'd send LBJ Presidential Library http://www.lbjlibrary.org ORAL HISTORY TRANSCRIPT Lyndon B. Johnson Library Oral Histories [NAID 24617781] More on LBJ Library
  • in the Democratic Party as such. They consider it solely a vehicle to work within and they're in no position, if they had the will, to extend themselves beyond the McGovern base." He assumed my participation could have some impact in bringing in the party regulars
  • 1972 discussions with George McGovern regarding whether or not O'Brien should remain Democratic National Committee (DNC) chairman; O'Brien's role as national chairman of McGovern's campaign; Gary Hart's campaign experience and view of O'Brien's role
  • recollection? Y: Not to my recollection, and I would think that he would be more sophisticated and would know better. G: I guess at this point I might ask you to discuss his input overall as you recall, say, community action. Y: I think it was all
  • effectively to communicate with the brothers. Yes, I recall him. Kind of a man of action in the Senate chamber. G: He was the minority leader during this two-year period, 1953 to 1955, by a very slim margin, one or two votes. 1 LBJ Presidential Library
  • election; Wayne Morse; the Lewis Strauss nomination; the McCarthy censure and the Watkins committee; LBJ’s relationship with Richard Nixon; relationship between Republicans and Democrats in Senate; civil rights legislation; statehood for Hawaii and Alaska
  • , and his wife and Beauford Jester worked together in connection with some matters there. At any rate, it turned out Joe Sheldon said, "I'm willing to help any way that I can, but after all, I'm a Republican and Beauford is on the Democratic side. I'll help
  • Beauford Jester asking Groce to be involved in his campaign for governor in 1946; Groce's involvement in 1946 and 1948 Texas state Democratic conventions; Bob Calvert's actions as 1948 chairman of the state executive committee which led to LBJ
  • up double that, around thirty-eight, I guess, [and] picked up a couple of seats in the Senate. I projected two or three. The end result was we had two-to-one Democratic majorities in the House and Senate moving into the Eighty-Ninth Congress
  • Optimism in the LBJ Administration going into the 89th Congress in 1964 with a large Democratic majority; Medicare and education as legislative priorities; the powerful alliance of Republicans and southern Democrats; O'Brien's awareness of elected
  • House, signing a bill--a law-for an increase in the recourses of the bank. President Johnson was personally very much interested in giving quite a display to this action, that the bank has meaning placed in its resources and to give it a very strong
  • Histories [NAID 24617781] More on LBJ Library oral histories: http://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh SUNDQUIST -- I -- 2 From 1953 to 1954, you were the assistant to the chairman of the Democratic National Committee. From 1955 to 1956 you were
  • in the Budget Bureau; Sargent Shriver; Sundquist’s participation in the War on Poverty task force; department representatives vs. free agents in the task force; how Shriver became head of the task force and later the OEO; the concept of community action
  • Action Program. At that time you were working with Dr. Julius I. Richmond, who was the Director of Bead Start. S: That's correct, I am by training and background a political scientist and public administrator, and as you see from the list
  • ; Head Start; Cooke’s report; “Pancho” film; Child Development Group of Mississippi; attacks by Senators Stennis and Eastland; Freedom Democratic Party; Mississippi Action for Progress; Educational Testing Service; Dominick Amendment; Wayne Morse; Oregon
  • it. M: The Democratic critics once accused him of making divided government work by surrendering to President Eisenhower. Would you say that was-- H: No, I don't think so. I think he surrendered to expediency. M: I see. H: I think wherever he
  • because I really had a different view of how community organizing should take place. I didn't really develop my conceptual framework until the time that the Community Action Program was being put together, and I resisted the Alinsky approach to community
  • Biographical information; community organizing; Saul Alinsky; evolution of the War on Poverty; OEO legislation; Sargent Shriver; Labor Department; HEW; Community Action Program; urban affairs task force; Dick Boone; Fred Hayes; political problems
  • believe it was [John] Pastore's committee. G: Why didn't the Democrats support him? O: The Democrats were pretty relaxed on the Hill in terms of their relationship with the networks. They were getting their share of the action. They were on television
  • the state of the Democratic National Committee (DNC) when O'Brien became chairman; O'Brien's immediate reorganization of the DNC and new priorities; efforts to build the relationship between the DNC and Congress; DNC help with 1970 off-year
  • being taken on the Hill . credit for it . Ba : Paul Butler gets the I think it was a combination of people . ADA [Americans for Democratic Action] was involved in somehow, weren't they? Bi : ADA to some extent although frankly, you know, I think
  • of Senate Democrats; John Sparkman; Paul Douglas; Paul Butler; Matt McCloskey; Americans for Democratic; Charlie Murphy; Albert and Mark Lasker Foundation; 750 Club; Ed Foley; Liz Carpenter; Ralph Hewitt; Bob Berry; Dave Lloyd; Jack Kennedy; Ted Sorenson
  • , but that session adjourned before action was taken, which is a story in itself. G: We'll get to that, I'm sure. First of all, do you have anything that you would like to add to the background material that I've given? P: No, I think that summarizes it. G: lid
  • ; Manpower Training and Development Act highlighted; views of governors and mayors about Community Action agencies. Power of state Economic Opportunity director of governors
  • , when he retired after ten terms. He I became his AA in 1955 and served until May of 1960. Starting in 1956 or 1957, we organized a small group of administrative assistants to Democratic congressmen as an informal luncheon group. We shared copies
  • Employment history; organization and operation of the Democratic Study Group; support of the Great Society program; attending bill signing ceremonies; accepting position with the OEO; Sargent Shriver; OEO staff members; problems in Congressional
  • for Lyndon Johnson, along with others who also participated. At that time the story was that Allan Shivers was going to support the Republican nominee. I felt that we should keep the delegation committed to whomsoever the Democratic nominee was going to be. I
  • in Washington as, I think, the Democratic minority counsel of the Senate Rules Committee. He was my boss in the Senate when I first got there, for the first couple of years, went off to Harvard the third year. Gerry was what I was to become in the White House
  • the leader of a coalition in the Senate. Because his own party was split ideologically in such a way that he was unable to bring complete unity among the Democrats for the positions which he espoused as a leader, or sometimes the policy sent down from
  • to the point where any action had been taken. Conversations took place of an informal nature, but anything in an organizational sense had not occurred. That is awfully late. So it has to be people in their spare moments giving some thought to a campaign
  • -finding and support for LBJ in his travel throughout the country; growing concern among Democratic leaders about Vietnam; presidential campaign work and organization prior to 1968; problems in the New Hampshire and Massachusetts primaries; lack of support
  • not want to have the television exposure of, say, Larry Spivak or something? R: Oh, that would have been very bad really at that particular point. The difficulty there, that was during a period when holding the Democratic Party together in the Senate
  • : You've been here into three administrations now--two Democrats, one Republican. Is there any essential difference in the way information is fed under the Republicans and under the Democrats? T: Not too much. Of course we Republicans feel somewhat better
  • . swept out~ In the great landslide of 1932 LaGuardia was paradoxically enough~ by the Roosevelt sweep. But everyone from John Lewis and Bob Wagner, and I believe some , intercession of then-Governor Roosevelt, tried to get him the Democratic
  • ; my first political action. I became aware of the agricultural migrants who were coming into California by the tens of thousands. Moved by their plight, I became involved in efforts to improve their living conditions. So, little by little, without
  • Biographical information; first political action; election to Congress; activities/bill introduced in Congress; Richard Nixon; Melvyn Douglas campaign for LBJ at request of FDR; Farm Security Agricultural Department Program; friendship with LBJ
  • Commerce Committee . Present at that meeting were, for the most part, Democrats . Among them was Charlie Vanik of Ohio, [Joseph P .] O'Hara of Minnesota and a number of others . I think I was the only,non-congressional member of the coordinating
  • Deregulation of natural gas; 1965 national convention; LBJ’s relationship with JFK; depressed areas bill; federal pre-emption bill; question of Democrats caucusing.
  • of that experience that Walter Heller approached Kennedy, I suppose, first in the spring of 1963, and asked for a license to conduct a quiet investigation of the Jimensions of the poverty problem in America---the dimensions meaning racial, geographic, by age, etc
  • , although I knew that there were people there that just basically did not agree with the Democratic philosophy as espoused by President Kennedy and the Democratic national platfonn. Obviously I never anticipated any violent action against him or any of his
  • the 1950 election. There were eight of us that met here in Austin to determine whether or not we could recapture the [state Democratic] Executive Committee from the liberals who--here again, we'll say liberals as versus conservatives without defining either
  • How Sandlin became associated with Governor Allan Shivers; the Texas State Democratic Executive Committee; the 1952 State Democratic Convention; Sandlin's work as secretary and chairman of the Texas Democratic Executive Committee; Governor Shivers
  • in areas such as resident participation and the employment of non-professionals from the low-income population, than the Community Action agencies themselves. There had been a need to fund rather quickly communities around the country with comprehensive
  • particularly, as far as the national administrations have been concerned, with the Americans for Democratic Action and the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights, and UAWand other labor organizations at various times. R: You did that better than I could, so
  • with the Democratic National Committee, but you would control the Democratic National Committee. Everything would be under the direction of the campaign team of the candidate. Now, you're trying to determine where you can take some immediate and direct actions
  • materials; anti-Johnson publications; labor's power in 1964 and the strength of the Council on Political Education (COPE); grassroots campaign support versus formal party support; JFK's and LBJ's view of the Democratic National Committee; O'Brien
  • conflict or tie-in between the clients of O'Brien Associates in New York and my political activities as chairman of the Democratic National Committee. It then proceeded to list some of the clients. The list had been made public when I launched O'Brien
  • Charles Colson; memos Richard Nixon's staff wrote and distributed attempting to hurt O'Brien's reputation, including one that suggested a conflict of interest between O'Brien as head of O'Brien Associates and Democratic National Committee (DNC