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  • essentially correct, yes. me in the civil rights role. Mr. Johnson really inherited I was appointed by Mr. Eisenhower when the Civil Rights Commission came into being back in 1957. Senator Lyndon Johnson was a key figure in developing this legislation. M
  • . D: Yes. F: So that you, in one sense, have to look two ways at once. This was the year when Stevenson was first nominated by the Democrats and Eisenhower by the Republicans. According to my notes on August 24, 1952, you announced that you
  • Details of political career and first contacts with LBJ when he was a Congressman; background of tidelands legislation; 1952 Senate race against Tom Connally; support of Eisenhower's presidential race; weekly meetings of Texas Congressional
  • here that you recall Lyndon Johnson really at work on? J: What stands out is that on foreign policy he had a very close working relationship with President Eisenhower. He made it very clear, and he took that stand in our caucuses and so on, that we
  • concerned with the White House was in about 1956, at which time I was requested by Admiral Hogan, Surgeon General of the Navy, to accompany President Eisenhower on any trips to Camp David, or to Gettysburg when Camp David might be involved in his trip
  • Medical training; first association with White House; President Eisenhower; General Snyder; Dr. Tkach; Kenneth O'Donnell; Dr. Janet Travell; Dr. Eugene Cohen; Dr. Pep Wade; Dr. Hans Kraus; events in Dallas; campaign travel with LBJ; Dr. Cain; Dr
  • in which Eisenhower was elected. Then along in about December was when it really began to jell. Lyndon himself hadn't decided at the time and hadn't taken any--he was there to see who was going to be the Democratic leader. He had urged [Richard] Russell
  • : It had been the policy of the Eisenhower Administration and their Interior Department to try to get the government out of the dam-building business. The Eisenhower Administration used all the political muscle they had to keep this Echo Park Dam from
  • never had any real conflict over the '52 convention or my support of Eisenhower and his support of Stevenson until the '56 state convention. F: He and Rayburn stumped the state in '52 for Stevenson. feeling that they were half-hearted about
  • for reelection in 1952. I didn't run that year. I had had three terms in the House, and I expected to go back into business and didn't of course because President Eisenhower talked me into going to work for the State Department. F: You were Assistant
  • histories: http://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh We felt that the Eisenhower Administration, particularly Secretary of Commerce Sinclair Weeks, was trying to make a record of economy that was false in that they had cut the appropriations for the CAA
  • it. M: The Democratic critics once accused him of making divided government work by surrendering to President Eisenhower. Would you say that was-- H: No, I don't think so. I think he surrendered to expediency. M: I see. H: I think wherever he
  • was. Eisenhower was president. He didn't know one damn thing about the operation of the government. army. Let me explain to you. All of his life he had only been in the Another thing, Eisenhower was really not the man in charge of the war; General George C
  • : The public including the Senators? W: I think many of the Senators. I think that as the hearings progressed, we found that people within the defense establishment had strongly warned the President--Prepident Eisenhower--and the Secretary of Defense
  • [For interviews 1 and 2] Family relationship with LBJ; visits of LBJ to Weisl home; Preparedness Subcommittee after Sputnik launch; role as special counsel; Department of Defense bureaucracy; Eisenhower Administration; cabinet secretary; George
  • oral histories: http://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh -11- And then along came Mr. Eisenhower who was elected in 1952. The Senate was Republican at that time, I believe, and the Democrats needed somebody. M: A couple of big democrats, McFarland
  • introduced quite explicitly the dangers of guerrilla warfare as a technique. There was a good deal of thought in that period about the inadequacies of the so-called Eisenhower great equation, that is to say, a preponderant reliance on the nuclear threat
  • Guerilla warfare, especially in countries with a lack of unity under a central government; difficulties opposing guerilla warfare tactics; President Eisenhower's policy toward developing countries and his role as a reluctant innovator; special
  • many of the Eisenhower years. Did Mr. Johnson participate in NSC affairs during that period? S: That I can't answer. I just didn't know of his activities as a Senator. M: Right. How about the staff work? Did staff work frequently get prepared
  • --a relatively brief period. The next one was the first Eisenhower Budget Director, Joe Dodge, banker; the next was Roland Hughes, a banker. We had an accounting era, Percy Brundage, Price-Waterhouse executive senior partner, something like
  • into the Eisenhower period of the 1950's. You were going to tell me about your appoint- ment to the Civil Service Commission. M: Yes. This was an interesting series of events that related to the transition between the Truman and Eisenhower administrations. As I
  • , and political standpoint. G: I wanted to ask you about the nature of bipartisanship under the Eisenhower Administration as it began in 1953. To what extent was it genuinely bipartisan? J: I think on foreign relations matters it was almost completely
  • More detailed recollections of the majority leadership; the Policy Committee; Wayne Morse; Robert Taft; nature of bipartisanship under Eisenhower Administration; William Knowland and Hawaii and Alaska statehood
  • : In the Eisenhower Administration--during that time when he was leader on one side and you were leader on the other side--it has been commented many times--as you know, since Lyndon Johnson has been President--on foreign affairs President Eisenhower had been very
  • a number of times in Washington while he was a congressman. F: You were on the Civil Rights Commission. Of course that started under Eisenhower and continued under Kennedy, but Johnson as vice president had some concern with that. Did you work with him
  • ://www.lbjlibrary.org ORAL HISTORY TRANSCRIPT Lyndon B. Johnson Library Oral Histories [NAID 24617781] More on LBJ Library oral histories: http://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh 5 B: That .would have been the last year of Eisenhower's Administration. C
  • Eisenhower or something, he would deliberately leave the leader's seat and go to the back of the chamber and take some desk there to make his speech opposing Eisenhower. The man was very rigid. Russell once said of him that he walks 1ike he thinks, or he
  • as a member of the board of directors of the Tennessee Valley Authority--Mr. Eisenhower appointed me, I believe in June of 1959 after my defeat for Congress--when the appoi ntment came up for a vote the ~lajority Leader, Mr. Johnson, stood and said, "t4r
  • Biographical information; LBJ’s philosophy on leaks; Sam Rayburn; John Rankin insulting to all; Eisenhower appointed Hays to TVA in 1959; Fair Employment Practices Commission; Fulbright; Faubus and Arkansas Central High School fiasco; "Southern
  • sentiments toward Lyndon Johnson? Johnson and President Roosevelt had early a sort of mutual admiration. Did you ever hear President Truman express himself for Lyndon Johnson? M: I can't remember. F: What about President Eisenhower? You've known them all
  • policy? W: Well, of course it has. If you would put that question in terms of how does it differ from the Kennedy Administration or the Eisenhower Administration, then you can say something about it. B: Why not do it that way? W: As compared
  • ; that the American people are courageous, they want courage, they're frustrated by seeing us unable to beat a little six-rate power. I told him that I thought he should communicate more with General Eisenhower, who had told me, he said, "Tell your friend Johnson
  • what he could do. I knew he was ambitious. I knew he was ambitious from the beginning. He always wanted to forge ahead. We were at the Chicago convention, and I think it was the occasion of the Lebanese landing. And President Eisenhower, right
  • ; Barkley; Rayburn-Johnson conversation regarding the Democratic nomination for president; LBJ's working relationship with Eisenhower; Rayburn; Civil Rights Act; Federal aid to education; Gerald Ford
  • Eisenhower's campaign and didn't think he had any serious opposition. It surprised everybody, but money can talk. Now, I don't know, I'm going to buy up a bunch of these two dollar bills because I'm getting LBJ Presidential Library http://www.lbjlibrary.org
  • the Eisenhower Administration, there were any number of involvements of the White House in critical wage negotiations. Vice President Nixon, for example, was heavily involved in the steel wage settlement of early 1960. But I think there was a degree
  • . I called him at that time--I gave him the nickname "Lyin' Down Lyndon" because he made two speeches for Adlai. And of course Adlai down in Texas was not very popular compared with Eisenhower. Eisenhower as the big man. He was pretty peeved at me
  • : There was a report by Mr. Sprague who was, who expected to be, the Under Secretary of the Air, or the Assistant Secretary of the Air, under President Eisenhower, and that missed out because he could not get rid of his conflict of interest. So he never was appointed
  • and JFK Center for Performing Arts; Republican Policy Committee; Select Committee on Small Businesses; relationship with the President; arm twister; LBJ worked closely with Eisenhower; contact with LBJ as VP and President; RR dispute; social contact
  • between Eisenhower and the Republican Party. Now, the Quemoy-Matsu thing was rather difficult because the conservatives in the Republican Party who normally would oppose Eisenhower in foreign policy were very strongly for defending Quemoy and Matsu
  • with him. The success of the Eisenhower relationship with Congress in foreign policy I always felt depended to a large degree on two things: One, the enormous confidence and respect Dulles had--that they had for Dulles up there. They felt Secretary
  • Contacts with LBJ; success of Eisenhower relationship with Congress in foreign policy; personal contact between Secretary Dulles and LBJ; AID bill; estimation of LBJ; formidable experience of talking to LBJ; Macomber never brought good news
  • : http://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh Reedy -- XII -- 4 too bad~ These were the hearings, by the way, out of which grew Kennedy's missile gap charge during the 1960 campaign, which was not true. G: There was no missile gap. Did Eisenhower
  • of helping the Eisenhower Administration during the fifties? S: We worked quite well with the Eisenhower Administration in the field of foreign policy. with the President. [It was] rather strange. [but] we didn't work President Eisenhower was not much
  • was on the liberal side. G: I've heard that he offered more support to President Eisenhower on some issues than Senator Knowland did. Y: Yes, I think this is probably true although I'm not too knowledgeable on that question. G: I think this could well be true
  • in matters of policy and of the communication of intelligence to the President, than were the other two aides. The naval aides were not reduced to mainly a formal job until the Eisenhower years, recent clarity surrounding first, later, so that the Bundy's
  • to Eisenhower in 1952. The issue was whether the Democratic Party was going to support the nominee in 1956 or not. And I suppose Johnson and [Sam] Rayburn, it was a challenge to them. They had to rescue the party from the Shivers turncoats, from the Democrats
  • Allan Shivers and Democrats for Eisenhower in 1952; the role of LBJ and Sam Rayburn in the 1956 Texas State Democratic Convention; Paul Butler and the Democratic Advisory Committee; party at Dewey Bradford's house; how LBJ won county and precinct
  • with him, so we were good friends. He was seeing President Eisenhower. Well, I saw Majority Leader Johnson then and indicated he was doing quite well. A member of the press obviously came by, and I indicated in the press report that his electrocardiogram
  • , when we used to sign the appointment papers. In President Eisenhower's time, the personnel man did that. In President Johnson's time, they were customarily made for the man who occupied the position of appointment secretary~ B: Who would that have