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  • a traditionalist Catholic. G: Could Diem have been sustained, do you think? DG: Certainly he could have. Certainly he could have. If the u.s. view, what I consider the U.S. arrogance, and in this way I agree with old [Mike] Mansfield to a certain extent
  • liaison man; for instance, Larry 0' Brien was the liaison ITlan for Kennedy. Mike Manatos is liaison man for LBJ Presidential Library http://www.lbjlibrary.org ORAL HISTORY TRANSCRIPT Lyndon B. Johnson Library Oral Histories [NAID 24617781] More
  • : Yes. I can tell you ab~ut a night I had dinner with Mike Feldman, in February of 1960, when Mike and I put the ticket together and only he was right. . B: S: Mr. Feldman was working then for ... . Senator Kennedy. And he was, of course
  • had forgotten until now-after a great many taks with Mike Mansfield, who I think was more ir.tere3ted in Vietnam in those doys than anyone in the Senate. IT~ny He would go to Vietnam as part of a Senate task force and would come back and make very
  • , and Mike Mansfield, the majority leader, came in and he said, "George, would you take over for Teddy? We've got some bad news there." I said, "Well, sure." As I remember it, as soon as I took the seat and Mansfield had told Teddy what had happened, he moved
  • /loh/oh Johnson -- XXXIII -- 9 there and stayed two months, I think. The senators that Lyndon was working with mostly in those days were Senator [Walter] George of course, and [Mike] Mansfield, and [Stuart] Symington, and Dick Russell, Clements
  • --an array of option papers were going over to Bundy. Now that I look at this I see that also even in June [Mike] Mansfield, even in June Mansfield obviously sensed that the President didn't know what he wanted to do and was resisting pressure to go. My
  • at that point without tearing the Democratic Party to pieces, and no conservative could have stepped into it at that point. Most of the other people that might be able to keep some semblance, say somebody like Mike Mansfield, simply did not have enough weight
  • [it] with the leader. This would be, in the case of the House, we'd go to see the speaker, and then we'd go to see the majority leader over in the Senate and probably pay a call on Senator [Mike] Mansfield. These were strictly ceremonial, strictly courtesy calls
  • . Are you going to run for office? H: No. I toyed with it. F: I'm not trying to put you on the spot. H: I thought of it at one time when Mike Mansfield said he was going to make this his last term. But since then Mike has said that he's not going
  • was correct in that. I might have slowed it up just a little bit more myself, but again in April 1965 just before the Easter recess, he sent Larry O'Brien up on the Hill. And I met Larry O'Brien in [Majority Leader Mike] Mansfield's office right outside
  • Johnson's black angus ranches. And it was a very difficult problem, because I remember [Mike] Mansfield even talking with me about it and Lee Metcalf, because it was raising a lot of political problems for them. But again, in 1968 they were going to close
  • that for a minute, I mean not for a minute. Everything that you can lay your hands on, other than a remark thrown off to Senator [Mike] Mansfield, another remark to Kenneth O'Donnell, everything else pointed in the direction of his being prepared to do whatever
  • ] Humphrey was coming up. And Jack Kennedy. G: The details in some of these memoranda of what LBJ might do to ease his problems if he decides to stay on as majority leader, I guess hint at some of the problems themselves. One is turn the floor over to [Mike
  • been particularly good, within a vote, say, or right on, which he often was, would nudge Mike Mansfield or Earle Clements, his whip, and show it to them with a good deal of pride that he had come that close. It wasn't just powers of divination
  • book here to [Senator Everett] Dirksen and [Senator Mike] Mansfield and others were more related to [Robert] Weaver in the Department of Housing and Urban Development than to this. I don't think I spent much LBJ Presidential Library http
  • a recollection of Bobby Kennedy particularly trying in some way to force us to publicly take a stand for Morse and against labor. These are just senators I'm obviously talking to: [Everett] Dirksen, [Mike] Mansfield. End of Tape 1 of 1 and Interview XXXV
  • , forceful individual at all. But he was never He was more like McFarland had been. G: How did [Mike] Mansfield fit into this slot? J: Mansfield was entirely different, too. was not a strong leader either. He appealed to people's intellect. G: Okay
  • , Speaker McCormack, the Kennedy boys being protégés of his, or his being a mentor of theirs, obviously was behind [it]. I don't want to say who it was in this group that wasn't-- G: [Mike] Mansfield I would suspect, coming from Montana. B: Yes, but I
  • been redistricted, and Galveston County put in an entirely different district which was largely served by an incumbent Congressman--a very fine old gentleman by the name of Joe Mansfield. So I knew when I ran that I would not seek reelection, but I
  • between them? K: I have no evidence on that one way or the other. G: Now, I notice that after the March 31 speech, both Senator [Mike] Mansfield and Mayor [Richard] Daley cited the possibility of a presidential draft, that even though the President
  • around the country doing the same thing. It wasn't using that document, but. . . . [Mike] Mansfield introduced a resolution--this had been around 1957, 1958, somewhere in there--to set up and create a select committee to oversee the intelligence activity
  • boundaries for Hayden; Hayden's memory; Hayden's investigation of Joseph McCarthy; McCarthy's censure; Hayden's work to prevent the Bricker Amendment from passing; Mike Mansfield's intelligence committee resolution; Hayden's committee assignments; Hayden's
  • didn't share. G: Long defeated [John] Pastore and [Mike] Monroney for the post. How did that happen? O: Well, it was a split vote, a three-way split. We avoided direct involvement in organizing the Congress. There were times when we tried in our own
  • go in and work with Mike." And so I went in the beginning of September first, maybe even August, to work with Mike Feldman handling the research activities of the Democratic National Committee. We worked during the campaign. M: Worked on through
  • the Senate and the House operations, with Mike Manatos doing the Senate operations with Henry Wilson, and David Bunn and Chuck Roche doing the House. Then when Henry Wilson left to become president of the Chicago Board of Trade, Barefoot Sanders came
  • of leadership. It was just, I think, the If you are· going to be a leader, you're just going .•• for example, 'the long years of leadership of Mike Mansfield, · a contrast. He didn't make enemies, but he didn't lead, really. He was kind of a coordinator. He
  • on military strength, he was always a very strong supporter of a strong United States Armed Forces and of strong military alliances, and in fact was one of the chief persons in the Senate at the time there was serious effort led by Senator [Mike] Mansfield--I
  • him along in that field. F: Their differences came much later. This is looking ahead a bit, but did he sort of groom Mike Mansfield as a successor? J: Yes, I would say so. F: Did he ever colTITlent to you on his estimate of Mansfield's
  • think he wanted both. G: Johnson was ill at the time and evidently [Mike] Mansfield made the Pol icy Committee meetings. decision to send them to Proxmire, as acting majority leader. Do you remember that? R: No, I don't remember Mansfield making
  • some blame for that, Lyndon felt. And he had a strong affection for Earle, got along with him so (inaudible). Senator [Mike] Mansfield he admired intensely, but Mansfield was much more an independent man (inaudible). So that is the way we began the year
  • were asked to--I think he even did Mr. [Mike] Mansfield this take majority leader. way in convincing him to As I understand it, Mr. Mansfield did not want that job and the President just appealed that, "You've got to serve your country." How often
  • , down anybody's throat. In fact, if you recall, when they had some disruption up at Mansfield, Texas, and everyone up there was concerned; call out the National Guard. Well, Allan sent one [Texas] Ranger up there to take care of the situation
  • Humphrey became as sistant floor leader and the man who really got things done there in the Senate. Mike Mansfield is a fine person, imild and considerate, and all too often apathetic. He seemed willing to drift along. So when Lyndon wanted things