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  • quote--who was it, who was the first president of the AFL-CIO--Philip Murray, who talked about giving people a rug on the floor and a picture on the wall and a little of the comforts of home. Poverty is a bad thing, let's get rid of it, it was just
  • in the evening. George Reedy was sitting next to Andy Biemiller, the AFL-CIO's lobbyist, and the bill, as it had been fought through, had become finally an acceptable bill to the union. They decided it was a good thing for them to be on the side of some kind
  • was then the AFL-CIO [American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations] lobbyist for [George] Meany's . . . . We must have had something going on in the economy because I had these meetings on the twenty-first and then on the twenty-fourth
  • the Steelworkers and the AFL-CIO [American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations] are just furious with Wayne Morse." We looked at. . . . Well, no, let's see. Okay. G: Now there was a meeting in your office on July 26. (Interruption) C
  • of Government Employees--probably being the strongest. That was a general government union affiliated with the AFL-CIO. Also you had streggth in some of the military establishments in the traditional crafts, particularly the machinists and those in the metal
  • with a buddy system--working with the American Federation of Labor and CIO, Congress of Industrial Organizations, the AFL-CIO, we sponsored a program for rank and file union members in, as I said, give eities in approximately twenty-six companies, and we had
  • law, which was a hot, hot issue, and pressing on the TaftMr. Johnson was on record. He'd voted, so there wasn't anything he could do. He'd already voted for it. He just kept pushing The AFL and the CIO had endorsed Stevenson. him to state how he
  • : What is it, the shipbuilding interests that-- H: Excuse me, I'm sorry, Dr. McComb, I should say the shipbuilding interests and the very, very powerful shipbuilding labor unions have combined with the sea-going labor unions and the rest of the AFL-CIO
  • about the flat ban on the closed shop, which is a thing that was very much misunderstood by the general public and which was really rather devastating to the building trades unions, the AFL-CIO, the big mass unions. Automobile workers didn't care about
  • , the president of AFL-CIO, talked to the President about it and objected to it very, very strenuously--and fairly soon after the leak. The leak also generated opposition from people within the administration, to wit: Willard Wirtz, a strong opponent of the plan
  • of the contractors were not capable of really managing them, and I believe Southern Illinois University was one. Then we had one in Indiana--this is the one I think maybe you're referring to. We had an AFL-CIO-sponsored center in Indiana. Or if they didn't sponsor
  • blocs of interests and Democrats that they didn't want Lyndon Johnson to be president or to be the Democratic nominee. He didn't represent the kind of Democratic Party that the AFL-CIO and the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and a number of liberal
  • I thought we had settled all of our arguments locally, when the vote came on Mrs . Bentsen's nomination, Jerry Holleman, who was then the head of the AFL-CIO in Texas, was walking up and down the aisle giving the thumbs down signal, and the Travis
  • to become the next president of the AFL-CIO . Now, I don't know whether this is true or not, but looking at it objectively, there was � � � LBJ Presidential Library http://www.lbjlibrary.org ORAL HISTORY TRANSCRIPT Lyndon B. Johnson Library Oral
  • AFL-CIO [American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations] support for the reorganization. So that's why it ended up where it ended up. G: Made sense politically. (Interruption) There were criticisms that this represented a de
  • Holleman was a labor official at the time-- S: He was president of the AFofL-CIO, I believe; and Fred Schmidt was another one of the labor leaders; and of course Creekmore Fath was one of those people, too, that were somewhat suspicious of this new-- B
  • , there was an organization--not an organization precisely but there was what was known as the civil rights clearinghouse. composed of quite a few people. That was AFL-CIO was in on it, the NAACP, the Urban League, almost everybody in Washington that was anybody
  • -CIO distributed them. JC: The AFL-CIO did it. EC: Because Jack Conway said, "Oh, this is a good piece, we ought to"--and so he used his labor contacts. G: When did your association with the task force per se begin? EC: My recollection
  • roadblock in the way that they could to keep the Democratic proposal of a dollar an hour [from passing]. It was a big, big issue with the AFL-CIO and, as you know, Johnson wasn't too popular with the AFL-CIO. And I'm sure the agricultural interests
  • to get rid of this irritation of, ''He doesn't know where Greece is", sort of thing. what I mean. Well, they didn't say that, but you know So he came to Washington. You will probably recall the AFL-CIO had endorsed Coke Stevenson because Johnson had
  • there at noon. Buffalo had gotten word that the AFL-CIO--I guess it was AFL back at that time--Labor had endorsed Coke Stevenson. Mr. Stevenson had never been any particular favorite of labor but because of Mr. Johnson's vote on the Taft-Hartley Bill, they had
  • Department. I'm not suggesting that the President-elect might not talk to George Meany about who he had in mind as secretary of labor. I'm sure that you would not be naming people at the top level of the Labor Department if the AFL-CIO, or indeed the UAW, had
  • . Jerry Holleman was a relatively limited-means individual; he was president of the AFL-CIO in Texas when he was appointed assistant secretary of labor. [He] did not have a lot of money, [and] living in Washington was expensive. He was operating in a very
  • commending what its purpose it? we are speaking of the American Legion or the AFL-CIO, B'nai B'rith, literally hundreds of organizations, and also individuals, again generally commendations or recognitions of a particular achievement--the Nobel Prize winner
  • to go into Denver and get one. have one in Cheyenne, Wyoming. They don't I'll never forget going down to the union. We wanted to get a painter, and we finally found this little storefront office which was the state headquarters of the AFL-CIO. I went
  • had the state chairman of the AFL-CIO, Johnny Schmidt. was, in Wisconsin, for Johnson. which one would expect. not with us. M: That's a big. . . . . Labor But again, not with the enthusiasm We didn't have all of labor. The UAW was LBJ
  • ] More on LBJ Library oral histories: http://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh Lawson -- I -- 17 G: Yes. L: (Looking through documents) Well, Webb was there. "Mr. Schnitzler indicated that the AFL-CIO [American Federation of Labor and Congress
  • . There was a lot at stake in this legislation. It was a matter of our being disturbed with Andy Biemiller, the representative of AFL-CIO, maneuvering to bring about this change that we were a) unaware of until it was brought to our attention indirectly, and b
  • , if not more so, than on any other legislative item. But I don't want to suggest that the labor leadership in the AFL-CIO were cynics in this regard. They were committed to repeal and they'd break their pick trying to bring it about. But as I told you earlier
  • of business in the Consumer office staff. In turn, the staff's apprehensions caused the consumer movement to be viewed as a labor-oriented movement. I will say, however, that the greatest source of support for consumer legislation came out of the AFL-CIO. Also
  • in both the railroad industry, which at that point the railroad broth­ erhoods were still pretty important, and in the oil fields, and they had a fair foothold in the building trades. You know, the head of the AFL-CIO in Texas, Jerry Holleman, was out
  • have, or least in those days had, very little influence with the union. The only reason they had an international president was that they had a seat on the executive committee of the AFL-CIO, and they had to have somebody to fill that seat. So
  • or rejection thereof with the National Labor Relations Board? Do you remember that? It looked like almost unanimous Democratic voting. B: I think this came from George Meany. I think AFL-CIO felt that he was unalterably opposed to anything labor wanted
  • afterwards. Did you go to that? W: No. I don't think we did. I don't believe we did. G: Jerry Holleman was with LBJ a good deal this year. Jerry Holleman, I think, was a leader in the AFL-CIO in Texas at that time. Did you have any dealings with him
  • he'd go along. But he grossly misestimated his AFL-CIO [American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations] International presidents because when we announced the thing, all hell broke loose in the labor movement. And LBJ