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  • became his public affairs officer; handled the press for him individually and for the visiting dignitaries that came to the U.S. while he was ¢hief of protocol; did a lot of travel, both domestically and internationally, the international portion that I
  • many hundred times-- M: That's fine. G: And I know that that is not accurate. But Commander Mills, if you'll begin by telling us how you came to be associated with the White House navy operation. M: Okay, I was stationed at Main Navy
  • they presented the trophy? R: Mrs. Johnson was there and presented the Associated Press trophy to the squad. G: Right. I have a note to that effect. Now, I may be talking out of school, but you said on the phone that you didn’t know anything about politics
  • parts of the government seem to be in excellent order. M: That's good to hear. I'm afraid the 6 W D W H Department doesn't have a very good press sometimes. B: 2 K well, the 6 W D W H Department never does. You just find out one thing. The 6 W D
  • was there, too? J: Bill White. Lyndon wanted Bill White--he was working for the Associated Press--to be his deputy, to help. take it. Bill, of course, didn't Maury Maverick told Lyndon, "Why did you wish this job off on your little brother, working
  • to write a speech about this, and I agreed to do it . I heard that he wanted to give it at the Associated Press dinner in April, I think, '66 or '67, but I got through with it too late and missed my chance . It could have been a good speech though
  • , it could have been anything from professional jealousy to reality, but some sniveling by the Washington press. I'm talking about the larger press, that Marianne Means and Bill White were sort of captives of the White House. Did he ever feel that they were
  • influence on LBJ to be greater than it actually was; LBJ’s love of telephones; LBJ’s “earthy” language and storytelling ability; LBJ’s private nature; LBJ’s relationship with the press; night reading; keeping LBJ’s schedule.
  • . It's of historical interest to say that that was the first and last conversation we ever had on the subject until totally to my surprise in 1966, he announced at a press conference that he had just appointed me Director, although he had
  • ; not involved in policy making; Fulbright letter and the ruckus McCarthy made; February 1967, the National Student Association problem; Pueblo Mission; Tuesday lunches in 1967; halt of bombing in Vietnam; 3/31 speech; Six Day War; Kosygin on hot line; LBJ’s
  • still wanted to get the statement out and make it public, we could. And we did. At that point he had a press conference on a number of other matters, and during the press conference said he thought this was a bad suggestion, probably unconstitutional
  • of the Kennedy people were still [here]. C: Yes. A majority of the staff, in fact, is still Kennedy people. Ralph Dungan [who] was one of Kennedy's close associates was my boss. Ralph had somewhere between twenty-three and thirty-five people working for him
  • , to "send one of your bright, young associates" out to Washington for a couple of years to learn about the operations of the Executive Department and [gave him] just a kind of broad descrip­ tion of what my duties would be . As a result, in January of 1967
  • California and from there transferred National Park, where I was one of the park naturalists. became chief park naturalist, and I transferred to Hawaii Then I and after almost five years my family back to Yosemite National Park, where I was the associate
  • ? M: t·e~, and for about ten months in Europe. G: With what newspapers were you associated? M: Well, I worked in Washington ·for a bureau called Western Reporters that represented a number of western newspapers. I W8.$ . Then I went
  • except to use those who had already been trained. G: Okay. Now let me ask you a general question. How did the Armed Services Committee change during the years that you were associated with it? D: You mean the whole period from 1951 to 1968? 6 LBJ
  • , announced that he would be for the independent electors, but I noticed that people closest to him supported I I Lyndon Johnson for President. I'm saying his closest associates and employees in the Governor's office. i l •I 10 LBJ Presidential
  • , of course, had been a public power I think he was a little inclined personally to feel the other way about the nuclear energy. issue out of it with himself. But he never did make an I remember a press conference he held after the election in 1954, when
  • of books and a number of articles in public finance and social security and other associated areas. During this whole period, since I've joined Brookings, I've always been interested in public service, and largely through my friendship with Walter Heller
  • . I was walking down the hallway in the press gallery one time and some--one of the young men in somebody's office came out and said, "I thought this would interest you," and it was a memo that she sent to the conference people in the Senate saying, "I
  • of the State Democratic Executive Committee, 1946-48. I've held various otherm.inortype jobs, like president of the Hillsboro School Board for a period of time and things of that sort. I was nominated in the Democratic primary in 1950 for an associate justice
  • mad. It was that kind of thing. But, in any case, go ahead. G: Was the press there when he made that speech, "blood on their hands" reference? C: Yes, the press was there. It was an open session. And unless I'm mistaken it was in the paper. I can't
  • with Secretary Connor on a visit there which he made to speak to the Puerto Rico Chamber of Commerce and the Regional Export Expansion Council; and having lived in Puerto Rico, I went with Mr. and Mrs. Connor. And during that trip, I asked him about press
  • . Johnson Library Oral Histories [NAID 24617781] Reedy -- VIII -- 16 G: There were some other instances, problems with the press. There was a Marshall McNeil story about Admiral [Robert] Carney that enraged Johnson. quoted. R: I guess
  • , and the President was sensitive to the fact that it was said. We were in the habit of explaining to the press, and I think perfectly fairly, that the fact that the President had not had formal diplomatic experience to any great extent was no true measure
  • return to Washington, D.C. following JFK's assassination and his transition into the presidency; LBJ's desire to have his staff always with him; LBJ's perceived lack of openness with the press; LBJ trying to control the press; Bundy's decision to leave
  • , is that correct? M: That's right. G: Did he ever have you up to Washington? M: Oh, I was up to Washington. I didn't ever stay in the White House. One time I went in there when Kennedy had all the Texas press in there, and I wasn't on the list and I got
  • ; the Brazos River Authority; LBJ makes a last visit to Temple, Texas; at the Dallas Trade Mart with Storey Stemmons during the JFK assassination; LBJ is faithful to his friends; investigating the M-16 rifle; observing the Tet Offensive; Ted Connell; the press
  • he could get close and press the flesh and cement ties with guys who were important. 1 LBJ Presidential Library http://www.lbjlibrary.org ORAL HISTORY TRANSCRIPT Lyndon B. Johnson Library Oral Histories [NAID 24617781] More on LBJ Library oral
  • Vice President LBJ’s meeting with black cabinet, resulting in blacks helping with Democrats by distribution of literature through barber shops and beauty shops, use of radio, the press, and the influence of black ministers, especially Marshall
  • was then president of what is the Texas Pipe Trades--that's the association of all the plumbers and pipe fitters which is my union . We talked about different aspects of making it possible for there to be a union shop in Texas as well as all the other so-called
  • . It was the top management position in the FAA and it was further strengthened in 1961 by Administrator Halaby under the title Associate LBJ Presidential Library http://www.lbjlibrary.org ORAL HISTORY TRANSCRIPT Lyndon B. Johnson Library Oral Histories [NAID
  • joined with the Office of Economic Opportunity at the time of its creation, if not prior to that during the task force stage, in 1964. And in 1965 you became the associate director of Head Start as well as the Deputy Associate Director of the Community
  • : You couldn't do much really except deplore? S: That's right. What were we going to say to a joint session? So then he had me--that was on Saturday--he had Christian announce to the press that we would defer the joint session. or Tuesday. We'd
  • House Press Office. After my initial contact with Valenti, I was also working full-tirne--and by full time, I mean sixteen to eighteen hours a day--with Jack Valenti in the speech writing and speech management areas. Simultaneously we were attending
  • know, counterinsurgency was stylish, and Brute [Victor] Krulak, the marine, had a similar position on the Joint Staff. Same one I had much later. So the army was very anxious to get in the act and do the right things, and the Kennedys were pressing hard
  • chiefs of staff Richard Stilwell and William Rosson; working with Allied troops from Korea and Australia; DePuy's work with the First Division; DePuy's reputation for removing incompetent commanders from their posts; DePuy's view of press coverage
  • and projections that would lead into 1968 in the primaries. It was a full plate. A number of White House staff people were brought in by direct assignment and direct involvement into the promotion of the program. G: One of the press articles that I read in 1967
  • could see them; contact with the press and efforts to publicize legislative progress; disagreement between Robert McNamara and General Earle Wheeler over the effectiveness of bombing in Vietnam; cabinet meeting updates on Vietnam; LBJ's reaction
  • at Floresville, who was at one time president of the Texas Press Association, all of the Texas weeklies and small town papers. In fact, Lyndon's inheritance from the Kleberg years is just incalculable. It's big and continued to be big, on up into the Senate years
  • ." It doesn't sound plausible, but I don't remember anybody ever answering that question directly. Somebody would say, "Well, we're part of HEW," or "We're associated with a navy project," or something like that. Enough of an answer to where you didn't seize
  • , and it was a very major effort. Those who had been associated with the Hells Canyon fight, both pro and con, were there on the floor when the speech was gi yen. Many, i ncl uding Wayne r,10rse of Oregon who had been a chief sponsor of the bill, were very
  • loans and, to try to get this done, and he approved doing that. We wanted Fannie Mae [Federal National Mortgage Association] to reduce the price at which it bought mortgages to slow down housing construction. And I think the point here to really
  • a two-year appointment to the Atomic Energy Commission from 1952 to 1954. From 1954 to 1960 you were in private law practice in Washington, D.C., and associated with several companies working in the atomic energy field. Also, you co-authored a book
  • , I think there were half a dozen names that were bandied about by the press as potential VP candidates. G: Were there any other southerners considered? O: I don't know of any. It's probably somewhat remote, but only because of his position and his
  • ; opposition to JFK from LBJ supporters and vice versa; LBJ's loyalty to JFK and their professional relationship; 1960 election results, especially in Illinois; JFK's speech to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association addressing his Catholicism; the West
  • and Johnson had developed a very kind relationship. I guess it was my association and my longtime friendship with Virgil Chapman, who came to the Senate at the same time that Lyndon did. It made it easier, I guess, for me to become close to Johnson early