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  • of Electrical Workers, the job I still hold. I also happen to be a member of the executive council of the AFl-CIO. M: Then you were off and on in Washington since the early 1940s. K: That's right. M: When did you first meet Lyndon Johnson? K: I first
  • ://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh August 4, 1969 Mu: Let's begin by just identifying you on the tape here. You're George Meany, and you are president of the AFL-CIO and have served in that capacity during the entire Johnson Administration, as well
  • Aid; 3/31 announcement; AFL-CIO would have supported LBJ for another term; LBJ’s legislative achievements; assessment of LBJ’s presidency.
  • the merger with the AFL, for the Texas AFL-CIO, during which time Jerry Holleman and I were both in office. G: Did you have any contact with LBJ before? S: Nothing you would really call contact. My first memory of having met him was at an American
  • Contact with LBJ in the 1940s; Democratic Advisory Council; Rayburn's role; Ralph Yarborough; 1956 state and national Democratic conventions and labor; CIO and Texas politics; Frankie Randolph; Texas Observer; committeeman/committeewoman controversy
  • ., 1943-47, pres . Communications Workers Am . (successor union), 1947 - ; v .p . CIO, 1949-55 ; v .p . AFL-CIO, 1955 -- . Vice pres ., dir . United Community Funds and Councils of Am., Inc ., 1956 -- . Interviewer Thomas H . Baker Position
  • . M: Yes. G: Do you remember the circumstances of going to work with the committee? M: Well, I was working for the Texas AFL-CIO as the information director. Jerry Holleman, the president of the Texas AFL-CIO, went to Washington as assistant
  • for the AFL-CIO. minimum wage. And we organized a committee to work for an increased At that time we had it already $1.25 because of many years of hard struggle and difficulties. went up to $1.25. It started in 1938 with 40¢ and then I remember under
  • , 1970 INTERVIEWEE : H. S . INTERVIEWER : JOE B . FRANTZ PLACE : Mr . Brown's office in the AFL-CIO Building in Austin, Texas (HANK) BROWN Tape 1 of 1 F: Mr . Brown, let's go back and get you placed . How did you get to Austin in the first
  • Background with AFL; state legislation and LBJ's campaigns; Taft-Hartley Act; LBJ's role in labor movement; Johnson-Yarborough Senate relationship; LBJ's involvement in Texas labor matters; vocational education system
  • Meany's attitude toward McGovern. You did not have at the top of the AFL-CIO vigorous movement in behalf of the ticket. That meant you had to deal with individual international union presidents and through that means develop an organized labor interest
  • , none of which we ever put forward to the Congress. And you know, as the war went on you've got to remember that Meany and Lane Kirkland and the AFL-CIO were staunch allies of the President on the war. And they were staunch allies of the President
  • of the two organizations, the AF of L and the CIO, occurred--the national merger was in 1955, but the Texas groups did not merge until 1957--1 became president of the State AFL-CIO. Of course, in my capacity as assistant to the executive secretary of the AF
  • Biographical information; meeting LBJ in 1948; Assistant to Executive Secretary of the AFL, Austin in 1950; 17 months in Korea; AFL and CIO merger in 1957; strained relations with LBJ; appointment by George Meany as Assistant Secretary of Labor
  • a place for as long as Shivers was in the saddle in the official Democratic Party. But the DOT was an outgrowth of the Fort Worth convention and the growing self-awareness of the liberal elements around the state. The AFL-CIO had merged a year or two
  • use his ties with national labor to exert influence on Texas labor? B: National labor, he had no ties with national labor. At that point, remember, you didn't have the two of them together; the AFL and the CIO had not merged. At that point
  • of reaction. Now, as a practical matter, what happened here was a rather difficult operation in which Arthur Goldberg, who was then the chief counsel of the AFL-CIO, and I were in touch almost every day and really negotiating on what could be done
  • Dubinsky in reforms of the Taft-Hartley Act; Arthur Goldberg as chief counsel AFL-CIO; the Kennedy bill; McClellan bill of rights; secondary boycott provision; picketing; the conference committee; the Landrum-Griffin bill; barbecue at the Ranch for Lopez
  • probably--I don't know. I have no recollection of his talking about them except for his occasional jokes about Reuther, the Humphrey thing. But Meany was the labor establishment. Meany was labor, labor, labor. The AFL-CIO [American Federation of Labor
  • Angeles? R: I was at the convention, that's right, but not a delegate. I was against the nomination of President Johnson at that time as the vice president. In the Executive Council meeting of the AFL-CIO, when they went on record to support President
  • financing. That was the Republican compromise. Then it was further compromised by the AFL-CIO, who insisted that COPE continue its fund-raising procedures as it had in the past. And in order to achieve that, it was further compromised that the long
  • Security eligibility and exempt local telephone services from the excise tax restoration; the annual debate over raising the debt ceiling and foreign aid; a proposed rider exempting the proposed National Football League (NFL)-American Football League (AFL
  • up on the fact that Stevenson had the support of labor, organized labor, in the first primary and there were a couple of people with the CIO. Now, they weren't the AFL-CIO then, it was two separate operations. There were some CIO people who were
  • Spector, who had a long background in mental health legislation and in housing for the elderly. He was an excellent congressional liaison officer. He was succeeded by Ed Lashman. Ed, who had worked for Andy Biemiller at AFL-CIO, was another master. Working
  • meeting last evening I expressed the interest of the AFL-CIO [American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations] Executive Board in a strong and effective merchant marine. We have now come to the conclusion that the best way to achieve
  • federation. [I] was from that period of time until I went into the government in January, 1963, not only the Director of Research for the AFL-CIO, but also the Director of the Economic Policy Committee. I was also the Director of the Economic Policy
  • . This was done in discussions with President Meany of AFL-CIO set up a committee which met with the Secretary and which met with us in working out what would be reasonable . M: Did labor oppose you in this organization? B: No . M: The labor people
  • attitude. Now 't.eknow, fairly aside from that experience, the AFL-CIO has been quite strongly opposed to East-West trade expansion in almost any form of intercourse with the Soviet bloc and basically continues that way now. They did, oh, in the last
  • this view or not, but it was our view. And we kept writing him and talking to him on that, and I'll never forget when he said, "All right, let's try something. I'm going to call in the Executive Committee of the AFL-CIO and a couple of days later I'll call
  • the background of when Andy Biemiller got to be head of the legislative division of the AFL-CIO. Bob had been head for the CIO part. So there was a legitimate, honest problem there with the merger, and I think that Walter took on Oliver as his consultant--I
  • interest groups can help. AFL-CIO, for instance, was always very helpful. And some persons from these groups would probably be in those meetings. At the same time, there would be meetings down at the White House. But the essential point, in answer to your
  • , was himself a journeyman carpenter, was himself the president of a carpenters local, became the state president of the AFL-CIO in Texas, out of the building trades, had a very close affinity with the building trades experience, and he knew their philosophies
  • at all, and I mean at all, of the workings of American labor. He got along personally with George Meany, but he still didn't understand what Meany did or what the AFL did or the CIO, and, you see, the railroad brotherhoods back at that period--I don't
  • union people--the CIO people, not the AFL people, but the CIO people who were at the convention--in his room I think it was, at the hotel, and made this proposal to them. Then Lyndon came into that meeting and spoke in favor, asked them to go along
  • this union at this time the White House got committed to the Board's report and to a deal with the AFL-CIO--Meany was supposed to influence the union; he couldn't. Then that's what got repudiated, you know. M: The ~: Yes. ~~ite House let itself
  • -60; exec. dir. Nat. Urban League, N.Y.C 1961 --- ; instr. Sch. Social Work, U. Neb., 1950-58; frequent lectr. Mem. Presidents Com. Youth Employment; nat. adv. council AFL-CIO Community Services Com.; adv. bd. N.Y. Sch. Social Work, Columbia; adv. com
  • building trades department of the AFL-CIO. Now, again, there of course everybody had sort of mixed feelings, because the building trades have traditionally been Republican rather than Democratic. That's the one segment of labor that really did stay
  • me don't say. That's just an entry in the list. L: I think I had a luncheon at that labor--what's it called now--AFL, isn't it? G: Yes, AFL-CIO [American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations] headquarters. L: AFL-CIO
  • unions a change in the qualifications for recruitment. For the first time we would permit some college training in lieu of time as an apprenticeship representative with a building trade~ union. Christ! I went to meetings of the AFL-CIO, I went up
  • look good . say, You write this and 'Sources say that it looks as though it's going to be Kennedy and Johnson .' That's the background on the story ." I can remember talking with the AFL-CIO delegation from Massachusetts . Bill Bolanger
  • legislative representative for the AFL-CIO in the decade of the 1950s. P: I started off as representative for the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. M: Do you remember Johnson from that far back? P: He was in the House then. ~·1: In 1948. P
  • political savvy that we could rely upon. And the reports that we got from Wisconsin were confused and contradictory; nobody I could find knew how Gus Scholle [president, Michigan AFL-CIO] really felt. In fact, I discovered that most of those people down
  • and a couple ofpartners were involved with in the thing. Later, the AFL-CIO [American Federation of Labor and Congress ofindustrial Organizations] needed office space and came to me and wanted to know what kind of deal we could make. I leased them the second
  • more use for him. G: What about Hugh Roy Cullen? D: He wrote me a letter and said, "Lyndon has promised me that he will vote right." I did not make copies of the letter, but I showed it to Roy Harrington, of the AFL-CIO and let him read
  • the bless ings of 1abor and who came ei ther directly from the labor movement or from the periphery of it. Mr. Henning had been assistant for a number of years to Mr. Cornelius Haggerty when he was the state director of the AFL-CIO in California