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  • didn't work out that way. G: One of your first actions was to appoint an equal employment opportunity task force within the Postal Department to look at the hiring of blacks and see what could be done to 4 LBJ Presidential Library http
  • involvement in cabinet meetings as postmaster general and congressional liaison; the usefulness of cabinet meetings and how they were conducted; cabinet members taking advantage of travel opportunities to help Democratic candidates who were up for election
  • their public statement to the effect that the Democratic Republic of Vietnam was born in September 1945. Immediately after that, we--Vietnamese Nationalists--reacted, and, personally, I went to China around the end of 1945 and the beginning of 1946. I went back
  • , the problems with India, the problems with Pakistan to some degree over Vietnam, as well as the India-Pakistan conflict, were evident major factors in his decision. I think he has several times indicated by action what his rationale was. He did not want loans
  • other countries--the Dutch were very much for it, and there were one or two-M: Very much for taking some action? B: For both the delcaration and for doing something. But there was a very real hesitation on the part of some of the other countries
  • Biographical information; contacts with Johnson; support of LBJ in 1960; Democratic Policy Commission; State Department informing Vice President's office; Potomac Marching Society; Kennedy Administration; working for Johnson; Advisory Committee
  • Administration for the purpose of presenting that record as a record of the Democratic Party to the American people. Now at that point I assumed that there were a couple of reasons for doing this. One was that if the President in some way decided that he
  • Library Oral Histories [NAID 24617781] More on LBJ Library oral histories: http://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh PARTEN -- I -- 10 F: Myron either had been or was going to be Democratic national committeeman, wasn't he? P: He had been or he
  • Meeting LBJ in 1937 and early interactions; John Connally; Jimmy Allred; Alvin Wirtz; George and Herman Brown; Sam Rayburn's influence on LBJ’s decision-making; roles of Allan Shivers and John Connally in the Democratic convention of 1956; Parten’s
  • of the House and the Senate outlining our support of the bill as it was reported out by the committee, which I did. The committee reported the measure to the Senate and no action was being taken in the House pending the resolution of the measure by the Senate
  • Beautification Act; passage of the Act and resulting problems; evaluation of Secretary Boyd’s actions; Donald Thomas; Hubert Humphrey’s involvement in Highway Beautification Act; characterization of Tocker in the press; overview of his opinions regarding outdoor
  • "--Lyndon Johnson at the time--"said that he didn't want to destroy the program by having them take any action prior to the election." "Because"--he said--"if you take any action now, they'll accuse me of using it for political purposes and those
  • . In a sense, Germany overcame problems that remained from the war and sought to throw off the influence of our country, to become more independent in its actions. M: Mc: And we adjusted to that change realistically? Yes. The difference occurred
  • troops and five hundred thousand. That depending on how fast you wanted to accelerate the action over there, that you might speed up the conclusion of the war if you went to the five hundred thousand level. Now obviously he wasn't talking about
  • the White House for Associated Press. Is this background information correct and complete? S: That is correct except from May of '63 until the late summer of '64 I was with the Motion Picture Association of America as assistant to the President, then Eric
  • : The combination didn't cause you difficulty with your other delegates and the Ohio Democrats? C: You mean Johnsorrs? M: Yes. C: No, we accepted Johnson. M: When you went to Washington then for President Kennedy, were there any particular areas of HEW
  • the DNC later or--? O: Once the extension I referred to was agreed to, I took over the chairman's office of the [Democratic] National Committee. Our plan was to take over the national committee and, as needed, supplement the existing staff. This would
  • Support for Hubert Humphrey's nomination from George McGovern and Edward Kennedy, but not Eugene McCarthy; McCarthy's complaint that the Democratic National Convention had not been fair; O'Brien's August 27, 1968, memo discussing the campaign
  • trying to lead the Democratic dele gation to Chicago in 1956. Mr. J olmson called IT1e and s s.id he wanted to 'head it, or asked what I t'houg'ht about it. Of course I told 'him that we would get murdered in Gregg County and of course for myself I
  • Biographical information; initial association with LBJ; 1948 Senate campaign; Carl Estes; 1952 campaign and Texas Democrats; Texas delegation to Chicago Democratic National Convention, 1956; Lady Bird; racism and civil rights; Democratic State
  • with the Congress, because we like to think that our work in the criminal area is apolitical. I am confident, however, that others who are more involved with legislative process made those soundings. Actually, it was a coalition; the Democratic leadership
  • of no particular significance except for my evolution and growth, that I started life as a Republican and didn't really become a Democrat until about 1948 or 1949--a long process, but we won't go into that. It's significant. I became a Democrat, I believe, in 1949
  • Biographical information; how Quigley became a Democrat in 1949; family political history; Quigley's congressional campaign in 1950 and election in 1954; Quigley's campaign losses in 1950 and 1956; Quigley's work for Senator Joe Clark and Quigley's
  • , you know, get the tribute from the party, but I really don't think that that--although the President owes a great deal to the Democratic Party and the Democratic Party owes him a great deal, there are various ways of expressing it beside a lot
  • you recall anything about that campaign in particular? W: No. G: Was that any different from any of the others? W: No. G: That was also the year that Senator Joe McCarthy was censured by the Senate for his actions. Do you remember how LBJ felt
  • swimming pool; the 1956 split between LBJ and Allan Shivers; LBJ's 1956 relationship with organized labor; the 1956 Democratic National Convention; LBJ's and Winters' opinion of JFK in 1956; Ben Jack Cage and Winters' dealings with the Cage Brothers
  • Democratic Convention. dacy of Senator Russell. We were espousing the candi- Senator Johnson at that time was in the Senate, and he was also active in Senator Russell's campaign. I became acquainted with him at that time, of course not extremely well
  • INTERVIEWEE: CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI INTERVIEWER: PAIGE MULHOLLAN PLACE: Congressman Zablocki's office, Rayburn Building, Washington, D.C. Tape 1 of 1 M: Let's begin by identifying you, sir. You're Clement Zablocki, Democrat from Wisconsin. Z: Representing
  • , or going ahead and taking action. It was his view that he ought to act on it, since he'd ordered the case. effect, it had been a baby of his administration. In It was ready to go. So, he asked me to process it in the normal manner, which meant sending
  • back the southern Democratic opposition in the old southern Democrat-Republican coalition. We used to carefully monitor our roll calls and committee action to see if we were making progress in that area. And we were. We were reducing, little by little
  • with the diligence I would have liked each of those initiatives that came along, because you had something else on the front burner all the time. G: Looking back at school desegregation, in retrospect, is there any other course of action that you think would have
  • Republican. That was a man from Tennessee, [Howard H.] Baker. That was the only one that really people thought might be a swing from the Republican side. There were a number of Democrats that were very likely to be swung by Wilbur Mills. G: How about
  • INTERVIEWEE: EWING HASS INTERVIEWER: Michael L. Gillette PLACE: Holiday Inn, Sacramento, California G: Let's start with your first association with Lyndon Johnson. Do you recall the first time that you met him or saw him in action? H: The first
  • there were eighteen new Democratic senators and he [LBJ] had looked in the paper and none of us had realized it, but at breakfast Sunday morning he announced that twelve of them were Catholics and that he wanted to find out something about the Catholic
  • much concerned with the fact-finding that culminated in the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. After the law was passed, I decided I would go where the action would be, and that was with one of the departments that would be enforcing the act. I
  • acquaintance with Mr. Johnson? P: Oh, I had seen Mr. Johnson at various places when he was in the United States Senate. I'd seen him at the 1960 Democratic Convention, for instance, when he had sought the nomination that John F. Kennedy ultimately won
  • was the quality of the bills. And Russell didn't think that you got quality out of hasty action. He thought it was better to let some of these things simmer for awhile and let the rough edges rub off. That's about all I know about it, Joe, aside from
  • for any office goes down there and files on that day. Anyhow 9 the leaders of the Democratic Party came down and persuaded me that I should not file for the state senate but should file for secretary of state--over my best judgment! I did 9 I had never
  • : How did you get to know Nr. Roosevelt? T: r worked in the Democratic National Committee in 1928, when Al Smith ran for the presidency. And President Roosevelt was active as--the Business- men's group, I think, is what he had. He and Louis Howe ran
  • FDR’s death and coming to work for LBJ in 1955; Democratic Policy committee procedures and how members were chosen; comparison of how the Policy Committee ran under Senator Johnson and then Senator Mansfield; LBJ’s work on civil rights legislation
  • . the 1944 campaign. That was in And I served in the Senate until I retired voluntarily in January 1967. F: Now, in 1944, when you first ran, the country went Democratic. You bucked a national trend there. s: I did. I got a good majority vote in both
  • as secretary never seriously departed from this doctrine. One of the first actions of Secretary Volpe as secre- tary on January 27, seven days after he took office, was to send out a memorandum strongly affirming the principle of decentralization
  • as he was president. Well, that night I was in Baltimore with the ex-Governor of Maryland, a Democrat, Governor [John] Tawes, and the Democratic Speaker of the [Maryland] House [of Delegates], Marvin Mandel, who is now governor of Maryland
  • one of the best nominees that the Democratic party could have. I had never heard much about Stevenson. I think I'm a one-speech convert. I had never heard him speak. I had been at Chicago at the convention trying to build up a bonfire for Speaker
  • in 1961 and 1962, sought to find some common solutions to the problems. It might be use- ful to briefly describe what those problems are. Appalachia as a region is afflicted with the same set of problems as rural America at large. BaSically
  • , why they did them - and what was necessary to do the same in America. I not only discovered what I wanted to know to reproduce new things but found gifted people as well to bring to America. I spent the next six months persuading American producers
  • . Remember that resolution by Senator Joe McCarthy that would tie President Eisenhower's hands at Geneva? It was sort of a slap both at the Democrats in the Senate as well as the Eisenhower Administration. I think the Republicans wanted it killed quietly
  • was what I'm going to call the Hill-Sparkman political boss of Alabama. But you must remember that all of this was in the days before the Republican Party, for all practical purposes, so that the head of the Democratic Part--the political head, let's say
  • delegation, we're one zone in the Democratic set-up. Texas is. position on a committee. So we would recommend the person for the The senior man, usually the senior man who sought the position would be favored though he might not necessarily
  • of 1957 and Mahon’s response to it; 1952 presidential election and Democratic Party’s loss of Texas; LBJ’s loss of presidential nomination in 1960; LBJ as vice-president; Ralph Yarborough; JFK’s assassination