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- to continue to think about it, but certainly he was not going to take precipitate action. And he was going to think about it more. I have a recollection of having talked with him about it again in person--either at Cabinet meetings or at meetings in the White
- of how he got to be whip? B: My recollection is that Senator [Ernest] McFarland had, I believe, been secretary to the Democratic conference, because he was a westerner. My recollection is that Senator Lucas was majority leader and the Democratic
Oral history transcript, Christopher Weeks, interview 1 (I), 12/10/1980, by Michael L. Gillette
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- for where they ItJanted to put volunteers around the world. It appeared very likely that their operations. if they went according to plan. would put very, very feltJ volunteers in Latin America. and yet President Kennedy had just made his speech about
- Budget Bureau position; Peace Corps involvement; War on Poverty; LBJ’s early support of the poverty program; Bill Moyers’ involvement; appointment of Shriver; task force on the War on Poverty; Community Action Program; maximum feasible participation
- Histories [NAID 24617781] More on LBJ Library oral histories: http://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh 4 Smith--being the first of our faith really to become a Democratic nominee for the Presidency was something that created a tremendous amount
- been outside your direct knowledge really. Considering the amount of controversy that has been aroused by the phrase "maximum feasible participation of the poor," in the Community Action programs of the bill, do you LBJ Presidential Library http
- Presidential Task Force on the War on Poverty; drafting War on Poverty bill; Shriver’s dual responsibilities; Community Action; Adam Yarmolinksy episode; problems of the new agency; Legal Service problems; return to the Justice Department
- the possibility that this degree of coolness on our part would encourage other elements, and specifically the military, to take some action to overthrow him, which is of course what happened . I, myself, participated in that policy very closely ; I went
- that something had to be done. Was he reluctant to--? He had been convinced by the deadlock between 1959 and 1961 that Howard Smith would, in order to get his way, block legislation even of a Democratic president. And he was very much afraid that unless
- JFK presidency; House Rules Committee 1961; Bobby Baker scandal; JFK legislative program; LBJ and John Connally; patronage appointments; Hale Boggs; agriculture bill; “Five O’clock Club;” Walter Jenkins; Bill Moyers; Democratic National Committee
Oral history transcript, Clark M. Clifford, interview 2 (II), 7/2/1969, by Paige E. Mulhollan
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- look to the young men for activity and industry and action; you should look to the older men for judgment and wisdom," something of that kind. So he had a group of younger, very able fellows around him, but I think he wanted to mix it some
Oral history transcript, Thomas K. Finletter, interview 1 (I), 10/29/1968, by Paige E. Mulhollan
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- and the time you came back into government service as an Ambassador to NATO in 1961? F: I doubt it. During all that time after I left the Air Force in 1953 when the Democratic administration went out and the Republican administration came in, my political
- Biographical information; Finletter Report; 70-group Air Force; George Mahon; Adlai Stevenson; Vietnam; decline in power of Democratic party; John Foster Dulles; NATO; meeting with LBJ on 4/10/64 on MLF; lack of support of MLF; Ottawa speech; Non
Oral history transcript, Lawrence F. O'Brien, interview 4 (IV), 12/4/1985, by Michael L. Gillette
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- entities of the Democratic Party. I don't know whether it was monthly, but it was a newsletter the ADA [Americans for Democratic Action] developed that was attacking the President specifically in the area of civil rights. They felt there hadn't been any
- on a failed farm bill; the influence of the Farm Bureau, liberal Democrats, and moderate Republicans on the farm bill vote; Otis Pike's response to frequent arm-twisting tactics; the administration's willingness to accept passage of legislation that didn't
Oral history transcript, Carl B. Albert, interview 4 (IV), 8/13/1969, by Dorothy Pierce (McSweeny)
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- was really going to be in trouble in every financial center in the world. It was going to have worldwide repercussions. So President Johnson--and the leadership supported him strongly, the Democratic leadership in the House--decided that he had to have
- , on that trip doing anything more than out of the ordinary to aid Democratic politics in Utah? M: Well, I don't know whether you'd say out of the ordinary. attempting, of course, to help us in Utah. He was Walter Granger had run for the Senate just two
- LBJ’s assistance in Moss’ 1958 Senate campaign in Utah; LBJ’s management and leadership as Senate Majority Leader; conflict over Rule 22; 1960 Civil Rights Act filibuster; LBJ’s use of the Senate rules and vote counting; 1960 Democratic Convention
- to me that Senator Symington was clearly his first choice for the vice presidential spot on the Democratic ticket, and I asked him if I was at liberty to tell Senator Symington that and he said yes, that I was. And he told why he thought he was the best
- Abe Fortas; deterioration of Democratic Party machinery; John Bailey; prior knowledge of 3/31 announcement; Homer Thornberry; 1968 Democratic Convention; relationship with President eroded in 1968 over Vietnam; McNamara’s move to the World Bank.
- of He was a national youth administrator, and he had a reputation among people in these circles as being a Roosevelt Democrat . Stevenson as such . Certainly you couldn't characterize Coke There was a friendship plus a belief on Reuther's part
- remember this quite often·· involved as much persuasion with the Democratic side as Republican side of the cornmittee because we had a Democratic President who. we were basically criticizing on his conduct of the military aspects, at . least, of the Korean
- experience from Korea in Vietnam decision-making relating to wage and price controls; work on the Senate Democratic Policy Committee; LBJ’s early staff; LBJ’s tactics in making legislative change; 1957 Civil Rights Bill; LBJ and “liberals”; Southern Senators
Oral history transcript, Lawrence F. O'Brien, interview 2 (II), 10/29/1985, by Michael L. Gillette
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- anticipate these opportunities. But there was a recognition on the part of the people there that this was something that we valued, that it was not in any sense suggesting to Budget or anyone else that they take action in any way. It was just after the fact
- the announcements locally; Dick Donahue's work with patronage and members of Congress' efforts to get jobs for their constituents; the role of the Democratic National Committee; criteria for ambassadorships; career versus political appointees; politicians' view
Oral history transcript, Samuel V. Merrick, interview 1 (I), 9/28/1981, by Michael L. Gillette
(Item)
- for people who might have had convictions on what the War on Poverty would have been, it would have probably been me that had more association with the pieces. And I'll tell you why. Because one of the key [programs], the Community Action Program, which
Oral history transcript, Walter Jenkins, interview 11 (XI), 4/18/1984, by Michael L. Gillette
(Item)
- to work with. G: Of course with Daniel's election LBJ suddenly became the senior sena tor from Texas and at the same time I guess the Democratic leader. This would have been 1953. J: Yes, he became the minority leader, not the majority leader, which I
- LBJ the rancher; the tidelands issue; Senate Preparedness Subcommittee investigation; Shivers takes control of Texas Democratic Party; Russell campaign for president
- the civil rights bills. B: I knew it was. The bill of '57 was changed considerably in the Senate, presumably because of Mr. Johnson's doing. Is that a fair view of the issue? C: I t h i nk it is. B: Did his actions in that case dismay yourself
- you're Republicans or Democrats; frankly, I don't give a damn. because yru're professionals. You're here I want you to understand that you don't owe a thing to me personally, I don't owe a thing to you, but we both are here to serve our country
- of the many young monsignors who We ~ essential to the whole process and with whom I worked quite intim •. ~ly. I Third was Barry Goldwater who got the Republican nomination and had the net effect of increasing the Democrats in the House by a factor
- /exhibits/show/loh/oh Did he initiate action or simply approve things that you were suggesting from the Defense Department? Y: Well, it seemed to me it was more a matter of discussing what ought to be done and how it was being done and where would we get
- . But the confidentiality of that was enormously important; so that no notes were ever taken, except the briefest reference where George was directed to do something. So I never saw the Democratic Policy Committee in action; but during that period, neither did anybody else
- Biographical information; how Huitt came to know LBJ in 1954; Huitt working under George Reedy; LBJ's work as Senate Minority Leader and effort to pull the Democratic Party together; argument between Senator William Knowland and LBJ regarding who
Oral history transcript, Henry M. Jackson, interview 1 (I), 3/13/1978, by Michael L. Gillette
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- of the Congressional Campaign Committee. J: My first contact with Lyndon Johnson was in a wire that I received from him after having been nominated on the Democratic ticket for Congress from the Second District of Washington. The wire advised that I was to receive
Oral history transcript, Donald J. Cronin, interview 2 (II), 12/4/1989, by Michael L. Gillette
(Item)
- on in as much detail as you can. Let me ask you first generally about foreign policy during the [Dwight D.] Eisenhower years and how bipartisan it was. The Democrats controlled Congress through much of that time and the Republicans--many of them--had a more
- identifying you . You're Richard Bolling, Democrat from- B: Democrat from the Fifth District of Missouri and Kansas City . M: And you've been in the House of Representatives since 1949? B: Correct . M: Which is, as coincidence would have it, the same
- also watching me, but for different reasons. I had been at the Democratic convention in 1948, and had caused some commotion there because of my stand on civil rights. Of course, that plagued me and followed me all the way into the Senate in the early
- and the Democrats quite well and faithfully--everyone from Truman forward as President. I wonder how you first came into contact with Lyndon Johnson. M: My first contact with Lyndon Johnson was in 1950 or 1951 when I was Under Secretary of the Air Force during
- Contacts with LBJ; Chairman, AEC; NASA; Dr. Glenn Seaborg; CIA Director; test moratorium; Bay of Pigs; U.S. Intelligence Board; Senate lack of control power over CIA; Cuban Missile Crisis; Latin America; H.A.R. Philby, Burgess and McLean defections
- of anticipating what was really going on in the undercurrents of the black community. Now, it just happens that I debated today-(Interruption) Back to the Social Action Commission of the Union of American People of Congregations [?]. I debated him as a former
Oral history transcript, William G. Phillips, interview 2 (II), 4/17/1980, by Michael L. Gillette
(Item)
- ] More on LBJ Library oral histories: http://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh Phillips -- II -- 8 new group established a non-profit corporation in the state called Mississippi Action for Progress--MAP. Of course, CCAP and other CDGM supporters
- Child Development Group of Mississippi; Phillips’ trip to Mississippi; new Mississippi Head Start program; Mississippi Action for Progress; Bernard Boutin and Bertrand Harding; OEO lobbying.
- of whether jobs should be emphasized, manpower on the other. tra~ning on the one hand, or community action Of course, Pat Moynihan and presumably others within the Labor Department were pushing for a massive jobs program. H: That's correct. G: Do you
- consulted with me more. 11 This would be a very natura 1 thing, but I don t even know that that was the case. 1 But I think that John, rather independently, made up his mind as to what his course of action would be and the way he pursued it. The Vice
- that you were giving him accurate information. M: But he was accessible in time of need? You could go see him and straighten out any matter that might arise? H: Yes. Oh, yes. M: No trouble. By 1954 you were staff director of the Democratic
- Biographical information; knew LBJ as majority leader; Housing Committee, a sub-committee of Banking and Currency Committee of the Senate; staff director Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, 1965; Earle Clements; Kentucky Senator Symington
Oral history transcript, Lawrence F. O'Brien, interview 10 (X), 6/25/1986, by Michael L. Gillette
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- in the urban areas, the local level, the activists, the labor leaders, the women's groups, all the people that had an affiliation with the Democratic Party. The best thing to do was to elicit from them directly, face to face, eyeball to eyeball, what
- of the Democratic National Committee (DNC) when a Democrat is in office compared to when a Republican is in office; the tendency of presidents to utilize the people around them, overlooking other more appropriate sources of information and help; topics discussed
Oral history transcript, Patricia Roberts Harris, interview 1 (I), 5/19/1969, by Stephen Goodell
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- consistent expressions of understanding of what needed to be done convinced me that, given leadership of both the Democratic party and the country, that he would be able to induce a greater understanding of the need for civil rights advance. He had none
- of statehood; Democratic National Convention in Atlantic City; White House influence on Convention; Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party; showboating at convention; 1964 ticket; LBJ’s options concerning poverty; opinions on black and women cabinet members
- of the State Democratic Executive Committee, 1946-48. I've held various otherm.inortype jobs, like president of the Hillsboro School Board for a period of time and things of that sort. I was nominated in the Democratic primary in 1950 for an associate justice
- to the attention of Congress. But you just never did get any action of a permanent nature. We had had the earlier action of the Congress in 1964 which I think we spoke of, when Congress tiptoed up to the water but wouldn't put their feet in. That is, we had
- Brotherhood of Electrical Workers and Chicago Belt Railroad threatened to halt Democratic National Convention.
- politics . That is, I was a precinct officer and was a member of the Dallas Democratic Executive Committee as a precinct chairman . You were operating then pretty close to the grassroots? B: I held no offices any higher than that, but was interested
- , and this was a deliberate action on my part. an appropriate response to it. I had to think of Probably had my wife not been with me, I would have said it wasn't worth the trouble, but since she was with me, I resolved to do something about it. And then I resolved to do
- Address; LBJ’s 1963 Gettysburg speech; Jack Brooks; Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party; critics of LBJ.
Oral history transcript, Lawrence F. O'Brien, interview 19 (XIX), 4/22/1987, by Michael L. Gillette
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- seats in the 1966 elections, and the ratio in the Senate was sixty-four Democrats to thirty-six Republicans, so you still had a significant advantage there. O: Yes, my recollection is that the forty-seven seat loss in the House in an off-year election
- The loss of Democrats in the Congress in 1967, especially in the House of Representatives; O'Brien's continued involvement in the legislative program in 1967 while advocating for postal reform and a change in postal rates; the strength of House