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  • on the idea that he could make a pretty big issue out of this, a la the old Joe McCarthy era, which would have worked fifteen years before. But I felt that this being America, and having the guarantees of free speech, that this'rather silly statement
  • to the National Urban League in 1957 and 1959 . much as I have on your biographical B: information . That's about as If there's any­ thing you'd like to fill in, please feel free . Well, thanks very much . It is true I was born in Maysville, Kentucky
  • House, and that's free. (Laughter) L: Was to the White House and back, and that was for nothing. I remember that I told my wife that my only knowledge of the outdoors was getting up in the morning and walking the three paces out of our side door
  • and reported to a meeting of our state cabinet after that. The press carried the story. I don't have the clippings from it. I satd at that time some very strong things about him and the quality of hts leadership in the Senate, the fact that he should figure
  • to hit military targets and to keep to an absolute minimum civil an damage and civilian casualties. So that he would press very hard when targets were recommended that appeared to be near populated areas or were in populated areas as to what
  • Also includes: "Final Report of Cyrus R. Vance" - 65 pages 68 pages of info on riots in Detroit
  • /show/loh/oh with all the people speculating privately and in columns and "Meet the Press" and so forth that Johnson would be certainly a man that the party would look at. and checking it. B: I couldn't pinpoint the date without going back I'd say
  • was then Attorney General of Minnesota and was named Senator mostly because of his great work on this subcommittee; Price Daniel, who was former Governor of Texas; fell ow by the name of Kohl er from Georgi a; a Negro congressman from Detroit, Charlie Diggs
  • ? C: Well, conceivably, a couple of reasons. Number one, I suppose, the fact that he was considered the conservative in the race. The most conservative. P: No liberal press in Texas at this period? C: Well, Mr. Johnson was supported by Frank
  • that the entire press corps, including the visitors, could in those days--1959, 1960, 1961 and even into 1962--the entire press corps could sit around the dining room table at the ambassador's house or go to lunch at the same restaurant; when you think that later
  • that is really productive long term but the effect is enormous. MG: You mentioned the whole range of projects. In some of your memos there is a theme there that you ought to present more of the successful programs to the President's attention and the press
  • started out with us in the file room, and he is now Comptroller. So there is no limit to how far you can go." M: Was this usually a political appointment then? C: Well, no, this office has been about as free of politics as any office in the Federal
  • ." At the last minute, I decided to make the race, to the consternation of the press. elected. You see, I did not live in Tom Ford's district. Melvyn was at the time already overseas Burma, China Theatre of war. I was serving in the India, He heard of my
  • -- I -- 3 K: Now, that was a field dominated by men and largely still is. How did you break into doing the radio commentary work? G: I did free-lance work for several years, and then I had a thirtyminute program I think five days a week during
  • to Congress. D: Did you participate or observe his first election to Congress when he ran for the vacant seat? H: I didn't participate; I observed it; I was living in Austin at the time. And, as you know, it was a free-for-all. The state was very divided
  • by the budget director, wno was then Percy Brundage. nand. It was too big a budget and was out of George Humphrey, the Treasury secretary, was outraged by it and he protested to the President. He had a press conference in which he said that if this budget
  • histories: http://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh Small -- I -- 4 postmaster general? [Arthur Summerfield]. He was a Chevrolet dealer from Detroit. He called a meeting with the Republican senators and announced that he was going to get rid of every
  • activity through computer capability; CIA; Robert Komer and pacification; the Tet Offensive; Westmoreland press briefing after Tet; the media; infiltration; the importance of Cambodia; Sihanouk; problem of interpretation of intelligence; body counts; Sam
  • believe in a third term, and I appointed a campaign manager named Vincent Daley, and he was campaign manager--ostensibly the campaign manager. He was the front man, and he was the one who used to hold the press conferences every day, but I used to see
  • ." "Well," I said, "I've got a memo yellowing in the files and I'll send it down to you," so I sent him the memo and with astonishing speed Lyndon Johnson just took hold of it. Apparently both he and Lady Bird read the memo and just pressed the buttons
  • years that we had worked together. Mrs. Johnson made a little speech. And She said she had hoped the President would come; she was sure he had pressing business and couldn't get there. Just about three minutes later, in he walked. And I could tell
  • of HHH; JFK, LBJ and press attitudes; anti-Johnson campaign 1960-1969; contacts with President LBJ and Lady Bird;
  • . And the President did include me in his group of assistants who were getting the top salary and took occasion to say kind things about oe to the press whenever he was talking about the staff. So it worked out exactly as he said it would. F: Do international air
  • was not and notified Lester Hyman, the Democratic state chairman, that he wasn't. Larry O'Brien still was Postmaster General and two years later decided that he was going to resign as a delegate and told the press to that effect. The next morning I got to my office
  • car going home, and I received a call from the White House. They said there was going to be a press conference on Wednesday; the President was just wondering if there were any things that affected the department that maybe we should furnish him
  • about a matter he hcd . Their relationsh·ip, I thought, couldn 't be better. The press rea11y spent al 1 that t i me try ing to separate the two of them, and who >'as the second mos t powerful man in Hashington , and then they started to put Bobby
  • INTERVIEWEE: JEROME P. CAVANAGH INTERVIEWER: JOE B. FRANTZ PLACE: Mr. Cavanagh's office in Detroit, Michigan Tape 1 of 3 F: Mr. Cavanagh, let's talk a little bit about how you came to get into politics in the first place, and become a national figure
  • Political background; LBJ's support of poverty program in Detroit; use of phrase "The Great Society" and how it began; role of Public Officials Advisory Committee; Detroit Freedom March with MLK in 1963; creation of HUD; Model City program; U.S
  • their communications set up, and start moving. And it's a slow process. One of the major difficulties with the appearance of the handling at Detroit was the fact that the press was constantly at the side of Governor Romney and Mayor Cavanagh. And just on the ticker, I
  • was accessible? A: Yes, he was always accessible. He wasn't always very informative. People around him were more informative than he was, people like George Reedy and Bobby Baker. M: You say that he got along better with the press then, and that's my
  • Early acquaintance with LBJ; how LBJ related to the press as a senator; Alsop's interactions with LBJ; Alsop's support of LBJ in 1964 against Goldwater; Alsop's and Philip Graham's role in JFK's selection of LBJ as the vice-presidential nominee
  • of the civilians, should be free to talk to the press. But they should talk only on those subjects on which they're qualified to comment, the areas within their personal experience. Engagement in a battle, dealing with a local village, conducting a particular
  • Impact of the Tet Offensive; dealing with Vietnam information officers; effect in Vietnam of LBJ’s 3/31 announcement; government-press relationship; LBJ’s personality
  • ] More on LBJ Library oral histories: http://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh 3 Michigan and into Detroit to try to stimulate some interest in his behalf, but they weren't too successful. There was just a normal pre- judice against Southerners
  • LBJ's commitment to civil rights; 1967 Detroit riots; opposition to Vietnam bombing policy; reorganization of the District of Columbia
  • had pressed the button, unless someone had made a decision that this was to go. I said it seemed odd, but I pointed out that things like radio and television changed the world from where it had been and it was quite possible that conditions in cities
  • that did not have rioting; changes in the inner cities from the 1960s to 1988; Daniel Patrick Moynihan's report on the Negro family; the Detroit riots and Governor George Romney; the Commission's involvement in urging Congress to pass legislation LBJ
  • growing years, and went to college at Wayne University in Detroit. Detroit is really--I still consider it home even though I came to Washington in World War II, 1942, and got a job as copy girl for the old Washington Daily News. I then went to UP
  • Thomas’ first meeting with LBJ; 1960 Democratic National Convention; LBJ and newsmen; covering the 1960 campaign; White House press corps; LBJ’s vice-presidential years; Mrs. Johnson’s trip through the South; television and the Vietnam War; LBJ’s
  • if you can get it, but it would be good to have--I'd like to see the Sunday--this is my memo, September 4, 1966, 8:35 p.m. Sunday, where I say the ink changes of the [Jack] Valenti draft are mine. This may be--no, this is the speech in Detroit into which
  • to create an independent entity. And there were good reasons for it. This launching occupied a great deal of my time during that period because there was a tremendous amount of public, press, media interest and a great deal of interest on the part
  • for LBJ in California and Wisconsin; organizational structure of LBJ's campaign and O'Brien's role in it; the powerlessness of the Democratic National Committee (DNC) in 1967; John Bailey as chairman of the DNC; DNC finances; the 1967 Detroit riots and how
  • out to Saigon in your capacity there. Z: That's right. M: The description given by your predecessor, John Mecklin, which is in some detail, describes the difficulties, credibility gap or so on that existed between the press and the.government out
  • Press relations
  • Assignment to Saigon; Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge acts as his own press officer; Vietnam press relations an issue at the Honolulu conference of 1964; unifying press relations functions in JUSPAO; the maximum candor policy; origin of the "Five
  • , the very least he could say was that the United States liked it better where there were free political parties and a free parliament. It seems to me I had something else to say too, so I don't think I made myself very popular on the government side. When
  • Senator Robert Kennedy’s press secretary, 1966; Kennedy’s 1967 trip to Paris and rumor of a 'peace feeler'; animosity between LBJ and Kennedy; Mankiewicz urging Kennedy to become a presidential candidate in 1968(?)
  • with the [President's] Commission [on Equal Employment Opportunity]. F: Okay. My career happened to have been professionally, up to that point, entirely in the arena of intergroup relations and civil rights. I had worked for the Detroit Commission on Community
  • Histories [NAID 24617781] More on LBJ Library oral histories: http://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh Califano -- LVI -- 11 here and I want to make sure we put in the book, which is we should certainly cover Detroit, the Detroit riots, and get
  • as a correspondent; I was not in government. One was during World War II when I was head of the United Press staff covering the whole economic phase of the war effort. Then I came back during the Korean War as the chief correspondent for an organization called
  • Laitin’s career history and how he went to work in the government; how Laitin became George Reedy’s Assistant Press Secretary; meeting LBJ; Mac Kilduff; Laitin’s first press briefing; George Reedy and his departure as press secretary; Lillian Reedy
  • the responsibility of the government to respond to public inquiry, and I felt that the press corps that covered the Department of State at that time, in addition to being day-to-day reporters, were people who by avocation were pretty good students of foreign policy
  • effort to define the city limits of Hanoi for the press; the credibility gap in the State Department as opposed to the Defense Department; coordinating statements made by the Defense Department, White House, and State Department; the importance of word