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  • program. After all, a Republican administration in one state and a Democratic administration in another state may approach them completely differently; also, the states themselves may have different interests, one rural and one urban. As a result, we came
  • , such as with the Hatch Act and the Office of Economic Opportunity's (OEO) community action agency; accountability in the spending of federal funds; OEO problems; the Neighborhood Legal Services program; Head Start; overlap and confusion between county, city and state
  • Kennedy-F: Did you get the impression he'd placed too much faith in the power of the Senate? H: That, and I think he also placed too much faith in the power of his old friend, the House Speaker, Sam Rayburn, and a few of the key Democrats throughout
  • Biographical information; first meeting with LBJ; 1960, 1964 Democratic conventions; association with LBJ during the vice presidency; NBC’s handling of the news after the JFK assassination; meetings with LBJ; credibility gap; Georgetown Press
  • you begin to build up a fair acquaintance across the state with politicians? D: Not too many, just those that I'd gone to school with. I knew Frank Oltorf, who was in the legislature at the state level. I went to the Democratic convention in 1948
  • . M: Well, in the decade of the fifties, did you talk with him, or meet with him at all? C: Yes, but never in any intimate way. I had heard him speak, and shaken hands with him. I think he knew who I was, he knew I was a Democrat, he knew I
  • example of status quo bureaucracy, or at best dealt with minor procedural matters, had not the Citizens Committee in its very well thought out and very admirable recommendations heaved the Council into action every now and then. But it's a bit of a sad
  • at least--approximately one foot by a foot and a half in dimension. a Presidential Seal at the top of it, and it says underneath that: There's "The President of the United States of America awards this Presidential Medal of Freedom to John W. Macy, Jr
  • statistics by computer; LBJ’s interest in geographic diversification, advanced degrees, youth, professional recognition, and minorities; difficulty in recruiting women; Betty Furness; short supply of women in corporate America in 1969; creation of HUD
  • Florida Atlantic University full-time . Then we used a number of community people, what today I think we think of as Communtiy Action people, who were involved in the field training for them . F: Was the presence of Seminole Indians in Florida any help
  • and Democratic national conventions and the campaigns to follow. The President said at that time that he was giving very serious consideration as to whether or not he should run. The President was keenly aware of the problems that were besetting the nation
  • for Democratic candidate for Congress in 1958 from Dallas. F: That was against Alger? S: I defeated Pool in the primary--he and another fellow. primary. We had a very bitter Segregation was the big issue at that point, as you recall, in the late 1950's. I
  • the Vietnamese would be celebrating, and all the Americans would be sit­ ting around on leave or doing nothing . So on the eve of Tet, I went over to Laos, went to Vientiane, and I was up around Luang Prabang at an area where they'd had some recent action
  • fairly close associates of M r . Johnson, who was Minority Leader at the time. B: Do you remember him taking any role in that at all? No, he didn't. He was a straight Democrat. He wasn't on the Foreign Relations Committee. in it. He went right down
  • in November of '58 [that] John Connally called me, and told me that Senator Johnson was looking for a young Texas lawyer to go on his staff; and that the possibilities were the subcommittee--the Armed Forces Subcommittee that he headed up and the Democratic
  • leadership, labor leadership, religious groups. It was a busy period, yes. I thought that aspect of the campaign was well done. It was thought through and well-organized. MG: I notice that some of Humphrey's old ADA [Americans for Democratic Action] friends
  • Working with Vice President Hubert Humphrey to develop his campaign platform before the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago; working on a Vietnam speech for Humphrey to give in Chicago; LBJ and Humphrey's views on Vietnam; consulting
  • out on the road and walk to Washington, mobilizing people as they went along. Bayard was the one that came down and helped talk Martin out of that. We kind of pulled the flanking action on them and started announcing it anyway. 5 LBJ Presidential
  • ; Bayard Rustin; March on Washngton; Dorchester Center; criteria for confrontation; Southerner as President; Goldwater and partisan politics; LBJ’s relationship with MLK; MLK’s stand against the Vietnam War; SCLC’s motto: “To Redeem the Soul of America
  • that. much like Stevenson. As you know, he didn't He would talk about how much he disliked Stevenson and things like that, but I don't think he did dislike Eisenhower. used to He get along with Republicans he liked better than Democrats he didn't like
  • ; Russ Wiggins; 1960/1964 Democratic convention; meeting of JFK and Graham regarding the VP nomination; Home Rule; LBJ’s attitude toward the press; beautification; press relations; civil rights; assessment of LBJ’s presidency.
  • in the United States, and I predict that one of these days it will be the greatest bulwark of strength that the United States government will have in financial institutions. F: Of course it has gone beyond that. I've seen it in Latin America where in some
  • : This was in La Paz? V: Yes. And this is a great operation, very inexpensive for us, and I think has enormous impact throughout Latin America wherever these centers are operated. I spent two years there and was transferred to Costa Rica where I did the same
  • . In the second primary, first of all, Congress. . . . You see, at the 1948 Democratic National Committee [Convention] Truman in his aggressive, feisty acceptance speech said that he was going to [be] tarring and feathering the Republican Congress
  • of . opinion. Then the Senate was on trial as a whole. This talk that the Democrats voted for censure as a bloc, there's nothing to that, that's not true. F: This was not a political vote? S: No, no, not a word of truth in that. The act of the issue
  • to the Democratic state meeting in Albuquerque, and at the time John Kennedy was probably my personal choice. But anyhow the publisher of the New Mexican was a friend of Lyndon Johnson's and I went to Albuquerque myself. As I recall, I was editor by that LBJ
  • and then go ahead and do it. and respect you. I'd understand But I don't want this administration to be giving a public image of an administration that's so concerned with perpetuating the Democratic Party in power here that they're neglecting
  • Lyndon B. Johnson Library Oral Histories [NAID 24617781] More on LBJ Library oral histories: http://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh Califano -- XV -- 5 G: Did Martin say why the board had taken that action? C: No. I think I called Martin and my
  • as that loyalty oath was in there. I kept putting it on the schedule to be taken up in the Senate, and he kept knocking it off. One day I asked him why, and he said, "I'm not going to get the Democratic Party into a debate, 'Resolve that the Communist Party
  • Oral Histories [NAID 24617781] More on LBJ Library oral histories: http://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh CROCKETT -- I -- 2 our budget. I think he felt and expressed his feelings that we were not putting enough action into our budget, that we
  • to this campaign. O: This had an element that I wasn't accustomed to. You had a degree of reluctance on the part of Democratic leaders at the state and local levels to have Humphrey aboard. That changed after Salt Lake but it was catch-up ball. Where could you
  • . Like, for instance, you were against me. Johnson. You were against Lyndon You're on the [State Democratic] Executive Committee. You're from Cameron, Texas. You've had your name up there. I was walking around in the lobby; nearly everybody knew who
  • ORAL HISTORY TRANSCRIPT Lyndon B. Johnson Library Oral Histories [NAID 24617781] More on LBJ Library oral histories: http://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh 3 contacts in the Pentagon--was that we would in fact take some action
  • with community action agencies and with mayors. But in this case, because it LBJ Presidential Library http://www.lbjlibrary.org ORAL HISTORY TRANSCRIPT Lyndon B. Johnson Library Oral Histories [NAID 24617781] More on LBJ Library oral histories: http
  • for the invitation of Carter to come down in May 5 of 1965, and Cliff Carter at that time was head of the National Democratic--the Democratic National Committee, so that is one of the beginnings of the situation, but that was an invitation to come and meet
  • Carter; Anderson's involvement in the 1964 presidential campaign; researching LBJ's background and political views before campaigning for him; difficulty promoting LBJ among black voters; Anderson's involvement in Democratic National conventions
  • that. Aime Forand had introduced the bill. He was not the ranking Democrat to me, but well up toward the top of the [Ways and Means] Committee. The only people for it were labor unions, and he was the only one on the committee, apparently
  • the Baptists is that it's very easy to fill the a minister and never be ordained. rol~ of You have access to the pulpit, and the democratic practices of the church make it easy. F: I tell you what I've thought about the Baptists, even with occasional
  • to the invasion of Cambodia, invasion of the sanctuaries in 1970. G: Did Johnson ever consider such a course of action? B: I don't know whether he considered that course of action, but I did recommend in June-and I think it was June 17, 1967, shortly after I
  • know this at the time, but Busby was about ready to leave and so was Dick Goodwin and they were short of writers over in the White House. He said that he had called the Democratic National Committee and asked for the fifty best campaign speeches
  • and honey . Incidentally, this was the year when I said to him, "Why doesn't the Democratic Party now groom somebody, since you're in control of Congress, who feels they're real good presidential mater ial for president?" I'll never forget . Sam laughed
  • Early involvement with Senator Robert Kerr; first contact with LBJ; Sam Rayburn and Kerr; managing Kerr campaigns; Kerr's early interest in LBJ for president; LBJ's work for Oklahoma; organizing Oklahoma for LBJ; 1960 Democratic National Convention
  • very, very hard on. And we set up what we called Technical Action Panels in all three thousand counties, or tried to. There were four or five USDA [United States Department of Agriculture] programs in every one of the three thousand counties
  • politics is Democratic, I don't mind mentioning it, and this was no factor whatever in Secretary Mitchell appointing me then as Deputy Assistant Secretary to the Labor Management Relations under Gilhooly . So I was appointed to the job (staff job
  • was a politician . She made all the meetings, she made the speakings, she made the Democratic Executive Committee meetings, and the various subdivisions of it ; she made them all . She was well known, she was well liked in the press, and she did a lot for him
  • a sense of that. I have a sense of our wanting to make sure that that went peacefully and well. I can't remember what actions we took to do that. And [it] became a tool to put pressure on to get the Voting Rights Act passed. I was general counsel
  • fairly minor state college groups sent. M: That's right. This is a real--it's not quite as easy as I'm making it sound. You do want to show the world some of the depth and breadth of America's artistic interests. Also, the East-By-Jesus State Choir may
  • was to keep on all of the Kennedy people that he possibly could. But he wanted to be elected in his own right. Now Hubert Humphrey was not in any way connected with the Kennedys. In fact, during the primaries, he had run against Kennedy for the Democratic