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  • opposed the Penn-Central merger. (Long pause) In 1964 it would appear that the President had a meeting--this would be July of 1964--with Saunders and [Alfred E.] Perlman who was the other major businessman involved in this. G: President of the New York
  • of the New Haven and the proposed Penn Central system which is satisfactory to the New Haven trustees and to the district court, then, unless circumstance of material change, it would be my recommendation the Department of Justice not continue opposition
  • . It was regarded more as a source of something that might precipitate violence which, in turn, would turn the clock back. G: Anything else on the signing of the Voting Rights Act? C: I don't have any real recollections of it. I guess I was still so new I
  • in, no matter how inadequate their plan was [inaudible], because we wanted to give it as much push. It was a very optimistic view of the situation. At that point he also, in classic fashion, said that he wanted daily reports to really put a torch to the Office
  • in the Washington Post editorial, which said in view of the monumental problem, we weren't asking for enough money. And that was also the editorial position of the New York Times and many liberals. Secondly, the feeling that the bill was an instrument a) to help
  • was the turning point in those hearings for two reasons. One, he was a very incoherent witness and the record of the [John] Stennis hearings will show that. And number two, he slugged a reporter. He hit a reporter on the way out, from the Daily News. F: Who
  • clasp; he gave me cigarette lighters. And I ended up walking with my arms full of all these presents, to say goodbye to him. And he then proceeded--I'll have to look at the daily diaries, but [he] constantly called me and they were twelve hours
  • that would pass sometime in 1966 that would need at best a half a year's start-up money in that fiscal year. So the new legislation didn't have a lot of impact on the budget, even something as extraordinary as Model Cities. On drafting the message itself
  • . When he ultimately decided to make Nick attorney general--and somewhere I noticed, I've seen the Daily Diary when he had him up to Camp David to give him the last blood test--the question of who was going to be the deputy came up. I never talked to Nick
  • , everybody'd get involved in the sense that he'd call around and he'd say, "Who do you think ought to be on the Supreme Court? Who do you think ought to be the new secretary of commerce?" M: Call around to his staff, you mean? C: My feeling was that you
  • season matter? C: I think that made us want to deal with it and the fact that it really did hurt, if you will, thinking, writing America. It was a bigger thing to the readers of the New York Times and the newspapers than it was to the average guy
  • on the Subversive Activities Control Board. We talked about that didn't we? G: Yes. This was Dirksen's man on the-- C: I just noticed before the bipartisan [congressional leadership] meeting he's got, [reading from President's Daily Diary] "Off-the-record Senator
  • circumstances takes time before it has any impact. He said--Clifford--if there was a lock-out of the Teamsters he would go for Taft-Hartley. And he said maybe the people don't feel the situation enough in their daily lives. Go to Punta del Este; even if they do
  • beating up on people who were raising their prices. And the President was sensitive to that, and that may have been what ultimately led him to conclude that at least we should make some attempt to deal with this, with the situation in New Jersey
  • to learn about the problems there," and I did learn. I mean, water is something I never understood, I don't think, until I went to both the University of Texas and New Orleans. I went somewhere in New Orleans, I think--but I think it was just the sense
  • know, we couldn't get passed until Dr. [Martin Luther] King was assassinated. And even if you look at that--I remember proposing it. It's the only time--and I think if you look at the New York Times or something--I was mentioned in the twenty-fourth
  • of aluminum that somebody brought me the wire on the power failure in the Northeast, which, if we're right here about times, occurred about five o'clock. I immediately went. It was a total power failure. New York City was knocked out. The LBJ Presidential
  • doing something on New Year's Eve, Friday, December 31--I think it was a Friday--that they thought they could get away with. And it was like surreptitious action, number one. Number two, there was a strong feeling that they were, in fact, taking
  • -- XXVI -- 8 entire new cities. And that ultimately evolved among other things into the "new-town-intown" concept which I guess comes later somewhere. G: And the block grants as well. C: Well, we talked about block grants but I don't think anybody
  • to be something between a young man and eventually a White House special assistant. Where are you from? C: Brooklyn, New York. Born and brought up in Brooklyn. Then to Holy Cross College in Worcester, Massachusetts, where I graduated in 1952, then to Harvard Law
  • care of all the administrative and technical and legal problems that his lawyers had prepared, and in part of the process of establishing the new department. And as Weaver saw it there were only two alternatives, nothing else possible. Either he became
  • , "They're on television every night. They're on the evening news. Washington is--[Robert] McNamara and [Cyrus] Vance and [Roswell] Gilpatric and you and [Dean] Rusk--are all working and you read the New York Times and the Washington Post. The country
  • ultimately lower the cost of construction with this new kind of steel. Then, we, this is the first of January. Let me just go back to the thirty-first [of December 1965] because when I look at the Presidential Diary. G: Let's see. C: I've got it right here
  • extending the executive order, or, as I said here, "presidential memo to the departments that would prohibit discrimination in all new housing, financed by any institution, supervised, regulated or insured by the federal government," which we figured would
  • little success in doing anything about it. I think we talked about it in New Jersey; we tried to do something there to no avail. We also had going at the same--in these times--the labor part of it became very sensitive because we also had going
  • attitude toward this type of development? C: Well, you'll recall in January of 1966 in the State of the Union Message he took a shot at [John] Lindsay and the transit strike in New York, indicating that he would propose some kind of legislation
  • in California, I got desperate calls. He wanted to announce some new weapons systems of one kind of another and we announced the over-the-horizon radar and one other weapon systems from the steps of the Capitol in Sacramento as I recall. Pat Brown and I got
  • . We were not just finishing the New Deal agenda; we were coming in with a whole lot of new ideas, new roles for government. And that was the first couple of years. The last year or so we really were involved in the management of programs and it's
  • on LBJ Library oral histories: http://discoverlbj.org/exhibits/show/loh/oh Califano -- IV -- 10 C: Normally it's a form with some blanks filled in, but for Resurrection City it was just written, and it was a-- F: Complete new document? C: --complete
  • ] McNamara for having no new weapons system--I told you the story about the Polaris [mentioned in Interview XX] and how we got the new name? [Bill] Moyers called me and said the President wanted to announce new weapons systems the next day. They were going
  • . G: The New York Times piece by Bob Semple, why don't you give the background of that, because we never discussed that on tape. C: At some point in 1966, Semple, I think with prompting from Max Frankel, came to me and said, "We'd like to follow
  • included is Senator [John] Sparkman's, who urged that the new guidelines, which were tougher in terms of desegregation, requiring that free-choice plans result in desegregation, be held up until after Tuesday, March 1, the primary filing date. The President
  • was periodically covering the White House for the [New York] Times--obviously we gave him a backgrounder story the next day, saying that we were going to make a major push in this area. G: Had the [William Randolph] Hearst [Jr.] series already come out? C: Well
  • of that sending out this memo which set tasks and dates for Boyd. (Interruption) You can see how weak the Commerce Department was thinking when you look at Boyd's memo of November 2, 1965, to establish the highway safety program. It's [saying], "Have a new
  • --on the first of March. And it's interesting, we had a--I guess it's worth spending just a minute. This was the best way to unfold a new program. It's not related just to highway safety, but the whole transportation program. The night before the message goes up
  • of dollars going out by competitive bids. We created a whole new procurement appeal system with one board LBJ Presidential Library http://www.lbjlibrary.org ORAL HISTORY TRANSCRIPT Lyndon B. Johnson Library Oral Histories [NAID 24617781] More on LBJ
  • in the Northeast. F: I can remember, parenthetically, living in New England in the late forties in which one thing that struck me, coming from the Southwest, was the fact that nobody ever discussed the problem of rain or water except as it was a nuisance, and now
  • , then they picked me up in New Jersey and we came down. We worked all day Saturday with Ackley on the speech. Okay? G: And my notes indicate that LBJ returned from West Virginia and Pennsylvania. Anything significant about that? C: No. And then we met with him
  • the fifteenth? C: Yes. Is that right? (Long pause) To meet with Governor Brown, yes. G: So it must have been the fourteenth. C: Well, it says, "Brown arrives in Los Angeles, vows to restore law and order. News conference." They have this August 15, page l
  • to ration credit, and that the stock market is declining because of tight money and the possibility of new taxes. And Martin and [Frederick] Deming--Deming was the undersecretary of the treasury for monetary affairs then--said that we needed a slowdown LBJ